This article aims to consider intergenerational transmission and the internationalization of Japanese urban sociology. Based on an examination of Suzuki Hiroshi's achievements, a second-generation leader of Japanese urban sociology and my disaster research in Indonesia the article is as follows. Although Asian developing countries are different from Japan in terms of the process and structure of urbanization, the “old” theory of urbanization in Japan that focuses on the socio-economic functions of provincial cities should be reappraised as a theoretical framework of community and regional studies in contemporary developing countries that are in the midst of decentralization. Furthermore, Suzuki's proposals for future urban sociology that includes internalization of natural environment into urban studies and critical reassessment of current Japanese urbanism in the wider context of international relations, particularly regarding relationships with developing countries, still possess contemporary significance.

    Urbanization patterns and the way of life in Japan that developed after the war may share something in common with those in newly developing countries in Asia. While that possibility exists, it is very difficult to determine in what way the Japanese experiences illuminate what is happening in other developing countries because there has not been much research to compare the Japanese and Asian urbanization experiences. Consequently, this paper first reviews the research done by Japanese urban sociologists on developing country cities, then, propose an analytical framework by which to shed light on the urbanization experiences in developing countries in comparative perspective. The preliminary analysis on the growth pattern of the metropolitan areas is presented at the end together with a caveat when analyzing the social organizational pattern in urban areas of Asia.

    This paper clarifies a limitation of modern paradigm in the urban sociology of Japan and proposes a new perspective based on the field research in Bali, Indonesia. This paper adopts a concept ‘pluralistic collectivity'［ C. Geertz］ as a core of the philosophy of the social structure in Bali and deal with four case studies, local security, gated community, traditional small green space, and mobilities of Japanese lifestyle migrants. The local security systems are established based on pluralistic collectivity by local people. They contribute to making new local images or multicultural activities of local security. The case of the gated communities and traditional small green space are evaluated as the ‘border spaces' with the plurality. Japanese lifestyle migrants exist between immigration and tourism. Besides, from the viewpoints of residential mobility and daily mobility, This paper clarifies their ways of using the gated communities, which increase the possibility of their mobilities. Through the re-evaluation of the four case studies from the perspective of Michihiro Okuda's urban studies, the importance of constituting society from the ‘border spaces' and of the continuous ‘reflection' or ‘elaboration' is proposed.

    In 2013, I carried out a sample survey of women in Canberra regarding their personal networks to assess social ties from the viewpoint of “the community question” [Wellman 1979]. My analyses revealed the following three outcomes: (1) Canberra's urban planners invoked influential concepts like the garden city movement, the neighbourhood unit, and the Radburn system, all of which guided construction of new towns in the twentieth century. My data indicate that these urban-planning strategies did not affect the personal networks of Canberra women because most could move freely within the city using their own car. (2) Women's personal networks consisted mainly of friendship and kinship relationships. The primacy of neighbourhood relationships declined alongside an increase in social relationships that extended beyond neighbourhood ties and which connected dispersed locations across Canberra, including a neighbouring small city, Queanbeyan. Women who lived in remote places were more likely to be connected to friends and relatives than women who lived in the city. Additionally, friends were such a powerful source of social support that they almost matched relatives. Overall, the “community liberated” perspective was more consistent with the data than were either the “lost” or the “saved” perspectives. (3) Nobe [1991] conducted a similar survey in Canberra in 1986－87. However, because more women spent their teenage years in Canberra in 2013 than in 1986－87, they found more kinship relationships in their participants' networks than I did. The women I interviewed in 2013 had, on average, resided in the city for longer than Nobe's 1986－87 study participants, which may explain why they had more friendship relationships in their networks. Furthermore, the high academic attainment of Canberra women drove the formation of friendship relationships within the city.

    This paper explores changes in urban spaces among the close alleys of the Jingu-Mae Shibuya Ward in Tokyo from the standpoint of cultural production and the emergence of investment companies. This paper will also discuss this case study from an urban sociology standpoint.
    The close alleys in the Jingu-Mae area of Shibuya Ward in Tokyo were residential streets until the 1980s. However, from the 1990s, these close alleys changed from residential streets to a global hub for upscale clothing design. With this change, the close alleys of Jingu-Mae became associated with a fashionable image and were featured in fashion magazines, which eventually attracted big investment companies.
    Beginning in the 2000s, these investment companies began buying commercial properties in the close alleys of Jingu-Mae by forming the Real Estate Investment Trust (REIT), through which they made various spatial renovations to these buildings and then selected their desired tenants so as to raise the buildings' exchange value. Consequently, land prices in Jingu-Mae's close alleys are rising slowly.
    We present a new hypothesis in which we predict that the new image of the Jingu-Mae close alleys as a fashionable cultural center due to the presence of the clothing design industry will raise the exchange value of the clothes designed there. Support for this hypothesis would indicate that global cultural production of clothing provides opportunities for real estate investment. As a consequence, local residents, culturally designed clothing, and retail companies will become strongly connected to the global economy, which is already influenced by investment companies. This connection to the global economy could foster sustained urban growth of the fashionable quarters in Jingu-Mae.

    The purpose of this article is to study the impact of coordinators for community-supported agriculture (CSA) programs, using the Kome Mame project as a case study. The Kome Mame project is a collaborative effort involving organic farms, a for-profit company, and a non-profit organization (NPO).
    As contemporary food systems expand geographically and become more complex, there is a growing practice by local food producers in Europe and the United States to rebuild the relationship between food and agriculture. CSA is a common effort in the local-food movement and has become gradually more popular in Japan. The Kome Mame project supports a rice monoculture CSA that is jointly implemented by organic farms in Ogawamachi, in the Saitama prefecture, and a building-renovation company in Saitama City. In this project, the company buys up rice produced by farmers who have adopted organic farming; meanwhile the company's employees have the opportunity to experience farming as part of their employee training. These exchanges have yielded direct face-to-face relationships among the farmers and company workers.
    The NPO's role is to coordinate matchmaking between famers and companies, utilize those connections to build a mechanism for developing distribution channels, and facilitate human-resource exchanges and support stakeholder relationships.
    Broadly speaking, a coordinator is someone with a comprehensive perspective of the CSA system, has a good read on current social trends, has a strong professional network, has expertise in a range of related areas, and who is cable of organizing and coordinating relationships.
    Over the course of the establishment and popularization of a CSA, the coordinator's role as a manager of the relationship between food and agriculture will become increasingly important. The challenge that lies ahead is whether a person acting as a CSA coordinator can build that role into a socially recognized profession.

    The purpose of this paper is to clarify how a network of voluntary associations can develop inside or outside a local community, and to identify the functional properties of the network. This study focused on activities observed in the Setagaya play park, in Tokyo. The authors found that collaborative relationships with the local community or government were best fostered by longterm activities that were initiated by a region-specific problemsolving volunteer-based association. Through organizational cooperation and by virtue of the characteristics of activity participants, a network community that is focused on regionspecific problems can be established. The network community is not required to remain inside a given region but could be expanded to Japan and the world. The social capital generated by the network community is available to the local community through voluntary associations that link people in the network.

    Movements to encourage civic participation and cooperation are being adopted by local governments across Japan . This paper explores the forces that execute these policies and the responses from local governments to these forces. This paper applies urban regime analysis to evaluate three policies for civic participation and cooperation in Chiba City. Since 1950, the city was governed by a “development oriented” regime, but an administration change in 2009 altered the orientation of government policy. During the time of the development-oriented regime, four different mayors were supported by the conservative party, businesses, and labor unions, which offered a stable alliance for many years. However, in 2009, the new mayor, Kumagai Toshihito, who was supported by many unorganized citizens as well as left-center parties, tried to increase general citizens' participation in Chiba's urban regime. This led to Kumagai adding many unorganized citizens to his regime.
    The analysis of these three policies showed that efforts toward civic participation and cooperation are progressing in the Kumagai administration, which is consistent with national trends toward increasing government participation.
    Using urban regime analysis, this paper suggests that progress by civic participation and cooperation policies is associated with an expanded number of actors involved in a local governmental regime and that some regimes are better able to attract citizen participants than others.

    This study aims to clarify the reorganization of ethnic compositions in industrial cities of the Tokai Region, Japan, during the late 2000s. After the global financial crisis in late 2008, Brazilian Nikkei workers returned to their homeland after losing their jobs while the number of Filipino Nikkei workers in the region increased. Filipino Nikkei replaced Brazilian workers in the manufacturing industry following the economic boom of 2013. This “replacement phenomenon” of Brazilians by Filipinos was observed in several municipalities. The author conducted field research in Yaizu City, Shizuoka Prefecture, and Davao, Philippines. People involved in the migration system and selected Nikkei workers were interviewed for the study, which revealed that certain occupations and “spaces” always required Nikkei workers who could remain in Japan for extended periods of time because of their privileged residential status. Findings include: (1) the increase in Filipinos in Japan since the 2010s is largely due to chain migration by clans whose Nikkei identity had been legally established; (2) the migration system in both countries bridged employers and workers in that manpower agencies lent travel costs to Nikkei newcomers, which establish residential enclaves within Japan; (3) compared with Filipino marriage migrants, Nikkeis live with their own relatives, thus forming ethnically concentrated residential enclaves; (4) in contrast to Brazilians who opened their own schools right after a mass migration to Japan in the 1990s, Filipino children attending Japanese schools experienced a more serious “adjust-or-go-home” situation in terms of education.

    This article aims to explore the role of the machiya boom in central Kyoto's urban regeneration through an analysis of the Nishijin area. Over the past 20-30 years, there has been an increasing interest in preserving machiya (traditional wooden townhouses) in Kyoto. Nishijin, a famed and historic weaving district, has undergone one of the most dramatic examples of neighborhood change in Japan with regard to commercial renovation of traditional townhouses.
    Since the late 1990s, the machiya boom has seen multiple stages of expansion by numerous actors. Initially, it was only a grassroots movement by a few individuals, but local government and real estate developers began to champion the movement alongside the rise of machiya's social and cultural value. Under new urban policy goals, machiya, which had previously been considered obsolete, turned into a symbol of Kyoto's authentic landscape. Furthermore, the popularity of machiya encouraged reinvestment and conversion of use, stimulating both the real estate market and the tourist industry. Consequently, machiya was revived as an experiential art form compared with industrial housing production.
    Although previous researchers have emphasized the contribution of the machiya boom to Kyoto's landscape preservation, this article discusses the risk of expanding destination culture as a result of machiya preservation and renovation. Strict building regulations under current urban policy may restrain gentrification from new building, but there is a limitation on how much control can be exerted over machiya commercialization regarding the loss of the culture and history that was part of everyday life in old Kyoto.

    This paper discusses how neighborhood associations in Naha City were formed and termed jichi-kai after World War II (WWII), and it explores the role of the administrative area, which is referred to as gyohsei-ku, for forming jichi-kai associations. Jichi-kai is a new type of local entity and is expected to take the place of existing long-established local communities, often referred to as Aza.
    After WWII, many people from all over the Okinawa islands hurried to get jobs in Naha, which caused the Naha population to grow and urbanize. This, in turn, lead to the development of new associations called kyohyu-kai. Not surprisingly, association with a kyohyu-kai is based on a person's origin, which makes membership in these organizations exclusive. Eventually, some kyohyu-kai associations arose that were essentially equivalent to the jichi-kais.
    By the same token, membership in the Aza communities has been restricted since ancient times, and this system has since been renamed jichi-kai, which is also restricted. Aza communities exclude people from different neighborhoods from joining because some Aza communities have particular assets, such as shared land, that they can use to generate financial benefits, like renting land for military bases.
    That is why the participation rate in Naha City associations is unusually low―20-30％―compared with the participation rates for neighborhood associations in other Japanese cities.
    From this background information, this paper extracts four types of associations. The first two are authorized neighborhood associations: one is here referred to as “Aza-type jichi-kai” and the other is referred to as the “Non Aza-type jichi-kai.” The third type is simply called kyohyu-kai, in which people are able to mutually receive comfort and assistance. Finally, the fourth is known as an assent-management entity, which gives large sums of financial support to neighborhood associations.