This paper discusses the development of the language ideology of Pali within the Mahavihara school, one of so called "Theravada" schools, of Ancient South Asian Buddhism. In 5th century Sri Lanka, Mahavihara commentators such as Buddhaghosa insisted firstly that Pali, which they call Magadhi, is natural language innate to all living beings and secondly that the Tipitaka, or Buddhist canon, should thus be transmitted only in this primal language. This article serves as corrective to Peter Skilling's suggestion that the language ideology of innate language "appears to be unique in Buddhist tradition to the Mahavihara, or more accurately to Buddhaghosa." The fact that the Sarvastivada school's treatises such as the Mahavibhasa express views on innate language which echo Pali commentaries suggests that this concept was not conceived of by Buddhaghosa, but had circulated in continental India before it arrived in Sri Lanka. Rather the Mahavihara adopted the idea of innate language from continental Buddhism and formed language ideology of Pali by adding to it the idea that the language of Buddhist canon should be Pali. Moreover, the paper also elucidates that establishment of language ideology of Pali encouraged the Mahavihara monks to translate commentaries on Tipitaka from Sinhalese to Pali in the 5th century.

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Ever since the earliest Pali grammatical work, the Kaccayana (= Kacc), written in the seventh century, all verbal endings (vibhatti), including imperative ending (pancamivibhatti), optative ending (sattamivibhatti) and conditional ending (kalatipattivibhatti), have been interpreted as marks that represent specific kinds of kala commonly understood as 'time'. With this rough classification, it is highly likely that the Kacc does not make clear distinction between the two grammatical categories of 'tence' and 'mood.' Commentaries on the Kacc, such as the Mukhamattadipani (= Mmd) (11 CE) and the Rupasiddhi (11-12 CE), discuss the interpretation of kalas in the Kacc in a more detailed manner. The Mmd, for example, displays a strained interpretation to equate kala with kara i.e. kriya 'action' with the aim of showing both the imperative and the optative endings denoting the present time (paccuppannakala). In this understanding, the imperative ending, for example, denotes both the present time (paccuppannakala) and the imperative action (anattikala). The Mmd switches between two aspects of the meaning of kala as both 'time' and 'action' depending on the context. The Saddaniti (= Sadd), one of the most elaborate grammatical works written in Pali composed by Aggavamsa in the twelfth century, attempts to summarize previous whole discussions about kalas and reinterpret the Kacc on the basis of the analysis of accounts cited from canonical Pali texts. This paper, by means of exploring the way of discussion of Sadd regarding some classifications of kalas, will clarify the distinguishing characteristic of this text as being a summary of the whole history of Pali grammar.

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バングラデシュはイスラム教徒,ヒンドゥー教徒,仏教徒,キリスト教徒,およびその他多数の精霊信仰的土着宗教から構成される,文化的民族的多様性に富んだ国である。けれども,仏教がこの国の始まりの時代から導入されており,特に7世紀から12世紀までの間は多くの仏教王朝により庇護された国家的宗教であったことは注目に値する。その結果,仏教はバングラデシュの文化を豊かにするために極めて重要な役割を果たした。12世紀以降は,さまざまな政治的逆境のために仏教徒はその栄光を失い少数派宗教への道をたどった。仏教の衰退にともない多くの仏教徒少数民族は自らの宗教的アイデンティティを失い,精霊信仰と共に先住民(アーディヴァーシー)としてのアイデンティティを受容することとなった。オラオン族はそのなかでも注目すべき存在である。オラオンは,かつてはクルクとも称されていた,バングラデシュの最も古い土着民族である。ドラヴィダ族に属し,黒色の皮膚,低鼻,黒く縮れた毛髪,短頭,中背といった特徴をもつ。オラオン社会は多くの部族に分かれ,年間を通じて多様な民間儀礼・儀式を行っている。彼らは豊かな歌謡,伝統舞踏,民間伝承,また伝統的楽器を有しており,男女とも巧みな踊り手である。オラオンの伝承によれば,先祖は密教的仏教の信者であったという。しかし時とともに全ての仏教的儀礼・儀式は忘れさられ,習合的民間信仰の徒となっていた。21世紀に入って多くのオラオンが仏教に帰依しつつある。だが,上座仏教の信者となったにもかかわらず,その習俗は仏教的倫理に反する面も多い。同じ上座仏教の仏教徒といえども,彼らには多種多様な民衆儀礼や儀式があり,それらはバングラデシュの他の民族コミュニティとも異なっている。これらの儀礼や儀式を通して,彼らは独自のコミュニティとしてのアイデンティティを維持している。とりわけ葬儀は義務的な儀式として注目すべきものである。葬儀はバングラデシュの宗教コミュニティ全てにとって義務的な儀礼であるが,その作法はコミュニティによって異なる。バングラデシュの仏教徒がオラオン社会に仏教を伝えて以来,彼らの慣習はオラオン族に多大な影響を与えてきた。バルア・コミュニティは,同一の死の宗教的儀礼に従っている。しかし死の儀礼として行われている社会民衆儀礼においては相違点が見られる。本論文では葬儀の様々な儀礼と儀式を紹介し,他のコミュニティとの相違点を明らかにする。またオラオン族固有の葬儀の方法を指摘する。

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According to the oral tradition, a mendicant Gosain Giri came to the Buddhagaya in 1590 and made a small hut. Since then Mahanta Giri of Shankaracharia tradition have been occupying the Great Stupa. They manage Temple religiously, politically and financially as their own. Mughal Emperors has given 'Sanad' and give many villages for the maintenance of the Temple. British colonial administrators attitudes are not fixed, sometimes they say Temple should return to Buddhist and other times to Mahanta. It is only after May 28 1993 Buddhagaya Temple Act has passed Bihar Legislative Assembly, Temple is under the control of Bihar Government. Though majority is Hindu members, now it is in the hand of Government. Large scale Buddhagaya Development Plan is finalized for further Dreams.

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