The Uposatha hall is located at the center of the temple precincts of Theravāda Buddhism. Upasampadā, Pātimokkha reciting ceremony and other most important rites for monks are held there. In this report I would like to present my views on what the Uposatha hall is, through the investigation of the Uposatha hall in Wat Pho. The Chakri dynasty or the Bangkok dynasty became the sponsor of this temple from the days of King Rama I. So the Uposatha hall of Wat Pho was built with the clear intention of Chakri dynasty which may be thought out with the research to follow. King Rama I donated the art works of the epic of the Ramakian, Rāmāyana in Thailand to Wat Pho. Because it is related to the Ramakian that Good defeats Evil in the end of the battle and the story of it honors the king, in which the king compares himself to the God Viṣṇu, who comes to earth in the story as the good king Rama. King Rama I may have wished by virtue of his position as the king to be the reincarnation of God Viṣṇu, coming to earth to solve all the world’s troubles. King Rama I brought many Buddha images from the temples destroyed by the war in cities in the northern part of Thailand and then housed in the halls or the cloisters in the site of the Uposatha hall of Wat Pho. The Lopburi style stūpas at the four corners of the site of the Uposatha hall and the five pagodas behind the cloisters at each corner are built in the reign of King Rama I in which the relics of Shakyamuni Buddha have been enshrined. As for the mural paintings in the Uposatha hall of Wat Pho, King Rama III started to draw them and King Rama IV has completed them. The lives of disciples of the Buddha are depicted in the 29 bays between doors, or between windows and doors there, though the biographical stories and the fixed ten past stories of the Buddha surely appeared on the Uposatha hall in the days of the late Ayutthaya and Tomburi. Here the biographical stories of the disciples are depicted vividly how they entered into the Buddha’s saṅgha. Moreover the daily lives of the lay people are shown clearly. Foreigners on the mural appear friendly. The several scenes of the paintings of no one but Unmaggajātaka telling on Bodhisatta Mahosadha as the Jataka stories, are shown on the upper bays of windows and doors. In his childhood he was very clever. After he grew up, he helped his king on many matters and he dug the tunnel in which he made the palace having automatic doors and so on. Through the story, I have felt the intention of King Rama IV who wanted to make Thai people know about the importance of the wisdom and the modern industrial civilization. The Chakri dynasty wanted to make the people know the importance of Buddhism, Thai cultures, foreign cultures, European civilization and the existence of foreign people are shown in the mural painting of the Uposatha hall of Wat Pho.

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本論において，筆者は上座部仏教の中におけるŚ とA の定義，修道論中のŚ，saddhādhimutta 第一とされるヴァッカリとシガーラカの母の伝承の3点を通してsaddhādhimutta の訳語の考察を行う。 パーリ聖典において，仏に対するŚ は修道の起点に位置しており，仏の教えを信じ（Ś を抱き），Ś を教えの理解によって強化することが求められる。ヴァッカリとシガーラカの母の伝承の中で，彼等のŚ はŚ に続く修行を実践するには強力過ぎたとされている。また，後者の伝承では，adhiniviṭṭha（入れ込んだ）がA の言い換えとして使用される。これは他のものに目を向けないというA の特徴をよく表している。 以上の検討から筆者は，村上・及川氏が提示するように，saddhādhimutta を「Ś に志向している者」「Ś に傾倒している者」と理解する。

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Arguments regarding anthropological studies of religion in Myanmar have primarily focused on how to comprehend canonical Theravāda Buddhism and indigenous spiritual worship. In contrast with Spiro’s dualistic argument, which regards Burmese Buddhism and spiritual worship as comprising independent religious fields, Brac de la Perrière does “not consider the spirit cult a religion unto itself, but as part of Burmese religion” and views “Burma’s mainstream religion as a religious system that incorporates within the Buddhist framework practices of seemingly different horizons such as the spirit cult or the weikza cult” [Brac de la Perrière 2009]. Furthermore, Brac de la Perrière indicates that the “nat line” and “dat line”, which are distinguished by ritual specialists such as spiritual mediums, emerged as fluctuating domains in an overall fluid religious landscape [Brac de la Perrière 2014]. Although my study supports the argument of Brac de la Perrière, her study lacks not only non-specialists’ discourses or practices about spiritual beings or “non-human” agencies but also an analysis of Pāli canons concerning spiritual beings, despite canonical knowledge being the main component of the framework of reference for “orthodox” Buddhism. To further develop these arguments, I will focus on practices and discourses of spiritual beings called thaik, which are viewed as an adjunctive subordination of nat [Spiro 1967]. After considering basic configurations about thaik, such as differences between thaik and ouksasaun, the world of thaik, or the relationship between thaik and human beings, I will show how thaiks are written in Pāli canons. Through these arguments, I will indicate that discourses or practices about thaik have appeared through a process of re-rationalization of a group of spiritual beings within the framework of “orthodox” Buddhism based on the criticism of belief in indigenous, unseen spiritual beings. Further, it shall be Pāli canons that boosts the existence and agencies of thaik through the intermediary of rejoicing for transmitting merit (anumodana).

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Buddhism spread worldwide and established its status. However, its diffusion was difficult because Buddhist teachings were hard to understand. To solely read Buddhist teachings were not to understand Buddhism. Therefore, monks used illustrative examples such as fable to explain the essence of Buddhism. Some of them were the Buddhist tales called jātaka. When Buddhist monks they deliver sermons they used these tales to make it easier for people to understand. These tales bridged the gap between teachings and people. The synopsis of Kusa-jātaka is ‘The ugly prince married a beautiful princess from a neighboring country. The princess was frightened by the prince’s ugliness and run away to her father’s kingdom. He chased her for a long time, but she kept rejecting him. One day, 7 kingdoms challenged her father’s kingdom. The ugly prince fought against the 7 kingdoms and defeated the enemies with his lion’s roar. The prince noticed his own horrible ugliness for the first time and tried to commit suicide. The Sakka (帝釈天) knew this and gave a jewel that makes the ugly prince beautiful. When he put the jewel on his head, he became very beautiful. After that, the prince and the princess lived happily. Their kingdom prospered greatly.’ I compared 6 sutras which have the same stories. The Liu Du Ji Jing (『六度集経』) is different from other sutras. In The Liu Du Ji Jing, ‘the ugly prince became beautiful because of his right governance’. I will make clear the reason why The Liu Du Ji Jing is different from other sutras. The Liu Du Ji Jing was made by Kang Seng Hui (康僧会). I think Kang Seng Hui tried to educate kings to become true kings using The Liu Du Ji Jing consisting 91 jātaka. In this paper I will solve this using the word ‘jin (仁, Benevolence)’.

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ラーマン・タンマユット（ラーマンニャ・ダンマユッティカ）は，19世紀末，タイ国のバンコク周辺で生まれた少数民族モンの僧団である。規模は比較的小さく，2002年時点での所属僧院は27院である。この僧団の存在は，現地タイ社会においてさえほとんど知られておらず，タイ国内外の学界もこれまで関心を示してこなかった。本稿は，このラーマン・タンマユットの成立から廃止までの経緯を明らかにするとともに，タイ国公認宗派との関係に注目することで，同僧団が固有の宗派（ニカーヤ）としての特徴を1世紀もの間，維持してきた ことを論じる。また同時に，この事例を通して，宗派の創始，所属変更，統合はどのように行われるのか，民族宗派とは何かという点から，上座部宗派の理解に貢献したい。 　タイ国の上座部僧伽については，1902年の僧伽統治法発布を契機として，全ての出家者を余すところなく統治管理するための制度が整えられ，宗派もまたタンマユット派とマハー派（マハーニカーイ）の公認􃧞派のみに限定されて今日に至ると理解されてきた。しかし，ラーマン・タンマユットは，ニカーヤを自称しないものの，創始後から21世紀に入るまで，この2派とは独立した第3の宗派的特徴を示してきた。同僧団は，元々，モン僧の一部がタンマユットに転入することで生まれており，公認宗派別の管理が明確化した1950年代以降 は，制度上，タンマユットに所属してきた。それにも関わらず，同僧団は，マハー派はもちろん，タンマユット派とも具足戒式（出家式）や布薩などの羯磨を共に行わない傾向が顕著であり，この点で固有の宗派としての特徴を持っていたといえる。とくに具足戒式では，白四羯磨をモン式とタンマユット式の2つの発音で唱える独特の実践を続けてきた。かつてモン僧は，誦経発音の違いや，共住しない傾向，あるいは共に羯磨を行わない傾向をおそらく理由として，タイ僧とは別の民族的なニカーヤとしてタイ国内で認識されていたが，ラーマン・タンマユットは，このうちモン式誦経の実践という点でも，タンマユット派内における民族的な下位集団としての特徴を際立たせてきた。2003年，ラーマン・タンマユットは，還俗せずにもう一度具足戒式を受ける「ダルヒーカンマ」（重ね出家式）という儀礼を通して最終的にタンマユット派に統合されたが，ダルヒーカンマが必要とされたこともまた，ラーマン・タンマユットとタンマユットがそれまで別々の宗派であると認識されてきた証左といえよう。

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