Religious researchers have been interested in the survival of Buddhist temples since approximately 2010. The interest stems from the concern that some temples are barely surviving owing to the decline in Japanese society population. So far, most temples have managed to survive through the Buddhist parishioner (danka) system, which is based on a relationship between a family and a temple sustained over many generations. This relationship is based on familial memorial services for ancestors (senzo) or the deceased. Although surveys on the current status of Japanese Buddhist temples are currently ongoing, there has been a revelation of the decline of temples, head priests, affiliates of temples, and parishioners, as well as a wide income gap between various temples. However, direct comparison of the different Buddhist sects with one another in these surveys is a challenge, both because the questions in the surveys differ, and the method of totaling cross tabulation differs according to the survey being used. This inability to directly compare data is considered one of the biggest challenges in these studies. Regarding the problem of method, the quantifiable questions are multiple choice questions that narrow the scope of multivariate analysis. By creating questionnaires that surmounted these problems, the surveys can provide a deeper understanding of the current status of Japanese Buddhist temples.

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Oomoto, which is founded by Nao Deguchi and her son-in-law Onisaburo Deguchi, was suppressed twice by the government in 1921 and 1935. It was Wasaburo Asano, a scholar of English literature, who led the nationwide expansion of Oomoto beginning in 1916. The mission based upon his writings made many intellectuals from all over Japan join the religion. Those intellectuals construed Nao’s prophecy that the world was about to be replaced as a reconstruction of the world that would arise from extraordinary natural occurrences, as well as the war between Japan and the world. They clearly stated that the time for the reconstruction would be within a few years, and made full use of the mass media to spread their message. These proponents of Oomoto received a wildly enthusiastic response from society. That is, the intellectuals had transformed the doctrine of the local small sect of Oomoto into something suitable for a nationwide belief system. However, while the popular fervor about the coming reconstruction of the world contributed to the surge in the number of believers, it also led to a crackdown from the government owing to the social unrest it caused.

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Hitherto, scholarship hag generally agreed that KOJIKI had been regarded as a chief foundation of the national polity since the Meiji era because the ability of modern studies of Japanese history to distinguish “facts” from “myths” was oppressed by those who wanted to justify the imperial administration and rebuff westernization. But recent research has called this orthodoxy into question, suggesting that there was no drawing a sharp line between academic studies and political or religious ideologies on Japanese history. In this article, we argue that scholars and scholarship from abroad played a key role in the process of making Japan’s national history, by analyzing the contents and influence of the English translation of KOJIKI, published in 1883 by Basil Hall Chamberlain, English Japanologist, and its “Translator’s Introduction.”

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This study investigates the simplification of Ajikan（阿字観）meditation, focusing on the practices at the Koyasan Tokyo Betsuin（ 高野山東京別 院）temple centrally located in Tokyo. Ajikan is a meditation unique to the Shingon sect of Buddhism in which the practitioner gazes at the letter“ A （阿）”in Sanskrit. The monks instructing practitioners in Ajikan meditation have transformed their explanation of Ajikan since 1990, reflecting the opinion of the participants seeking to create a simpler way of practice. Consequently, practitioners no longer chant mantras or use images. Even with a simplified meditation, however, participants experience a release of the pain owing to social life. In addition, members who have been participating since a longtime volunteer to help others prepare for Ajikan. In comparison to the case of groups of Zen Buddhists meditating together, Ajikan members consider themselves simply to be helping the temple and the leader. In contrast, Zen members consider helping the temple and other activities to be Zen and a religious practice. Such a difference comes from the absence of Ajikan members identity, such as Koji,（ 居士）as Zen members are addressed. On the contrary, the important term in the simplified Ajikan is Odaishisama (Kukai), the founder of the Shingon sect. Both the priest and the participants believe that because Ajikan was created by Kukai, the mystical power is still present in the simplified Ajikan.

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