The mainstream of Japanese Edo period music is taken to be the shamisen music. However, even within the same Edo period, between Edo and what was known as ‘Kamigata’-the Kinki area centering arotrid Kyoto and Osaka-there was, as far as transportation is concerned, a marked separation. Even within the musical expression of these two regions there is a great difference which has to be taken into consideration.
In the early Edo period the difference between Edo and Kamiga.ta. labeled Edo as ‘martial’ and Kamigata as ‘literary, ’ or Kamigata as ‘regulated’ and Edo as ‘chaotic.’ Colloquially it was said that “music comes from Kyoto, warfare comes from Edo, ” and the events of that period reflect this well. Regarding the music from the middle Edo period, it is recognized that Gidayubushi developed in the Kamigata region and Bungo style Joruri (Tokiwazu, Tomimoto, Kiyomoto, etc.) in the Edo region, but it is easy to overlook their regionality. Of course, even within the Kamigata region, there was a difference between Kyoto and Osaka.
The differences described above are well known, but Nagoya, which is positioned between the two aforementioned Kamigata and Edo regions, is again different and has formed its own culture with special characteristics. Even now, when the distances between these areas have shortened and all of Japan has been trifled into one cultural region, the special characteristics of these regions, which up trail a short time ago had a definate originality, are recognized. It's difficult to characterize the special characteristics of the Nagoya culture in a few words. It had its beginnings when Tokugawa Muneharu became the governor of the Owari (Nagoya) region in November of the 15th year of Kyoho 1730). He increased the number of theaters, opened up an entertain m(ent district, splendorized the festivals, and promoted the arts. Going against the will of the Edo government, he created a government policy of freedom and endeavored to make Nagoya into a great city. He believed that such a policy was necessary in order to make Nagoya into an attractive economic center. However, his policy was outlawed by the Edo government and collapsed after only eight years. For the people of Nagoya, his government was like a short “dream.” His policy of freeeom brought prosperity, however, after the “dream” passed, it became a fleeting after-fact. The people of Nagoya, in remembrance of this, left a chronicle, “After the Dream.” Yasuda Bunkichi did an excellent study on this chronicle in 1978.
This tradition, however, didn't die out with the Edo government's prohibition. It is hinted at even today in the saying, “Nagoya.a place for the arts, ” that this tradition lives on.
The special characteristics of the arts of Nagoya have hardly been researched up until now. Only very recently, has Mr. Yasuda presented several excellent theses on Tokiwazu, but his work is, presently, limited to Tokiwazu. I have attempted to broaden this research and begin study on the whole of shamisen music as well. As the basic fcxridation for this research, I have made an investigation of all the Nagoya publications of Keico-bon (Lesson Instruction Book), which necessitated collecting, over a long period of time, the Nagoya shamisen music Keilco-bon. However, there is a limit to what an individual can accumulate, and fortunately, Mr. Yasuda has also made a collection, and there is a collection as well in Research Archieves for Japanese Music, Ueno Gakuen College. Therefore, given this chance, I organized all the published Keiko-bon and decided to report on this first step of the basic research. In the report, I have arranged the books according to number by their owner, and provided photographs of all their covers, even in cases where they were duplications.

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There exists a letter written by the EmperorG okashiwabarda, a ted the 4th Day of the 4th Month of the First Year of the Bunki Era (A. D. 1501), addressedt o Yamashinnao ChunagonT okilcunMi, inistero f Music.
The Emperor admonishes in it that, in place of the recently deceased Toyohara-noS higeakiU, ta no Kami (Director of the Bureauof Music). who was a teacher of Sho both to the Emperora nd to Tokilcuni Muneaksi hould assume the responsibilityo f givings trict training to young musiciansp, articularly to Masuaki and Moroaki.
This newly found historical material is reproduced here. At the same time, studies are made, o n the basis of diaries of court-noblesi ncluding Tokikunikyo ki and Sanetaka-ko ki, as well as Socho shuki; m emoirso f the poet Socho, of peoplec oncernedth erewith, e speciallyth e men of the ToyoharaF amily, w ho, from the Heian Period on, served the Imperial Court with Sho as their principal instrument.
It was in the summero f the NinthY ear of the Eisho ra (A. D. 1512) that Toyohara-noM uneakia, representative musiciano f the MuromachiP eriod, completedh is great work, Taigensho in 20 Books.

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Up to now, the prefaces of such works as the Takenoko-Shit, Ohtake-Shttand Montei-Kyokun have been known to contain discussions of Kaga-no-Jo's art. However, the material introduced and examined here is completely different from these.
The new material is in scroll form (maki-mono-jitate), without the title strip or inside title page. Its width is 26.4cm; the length is 255.8cm. As shown in plate I, 10 pieces of data are affixed to the front of the scroll, and 2 areas are written in on the back. They are summarized as follows:
1. A letter written by Kaga-no-Jo to his disciple, Eichlku, dated Jan. 23.
2. A Waka poem written by Eichiku.
3. 18 farcical Waka poems (ER) written by Chiku-Oh (Kaga-no-J6).
4. 12 Waka poems by Chilcu-Oh in commemoration of the April 20th, 1708 (Hoei 5) death of his son.
5. A Waka poem thought to be Kaga-no-Jo's death poem.
6. Eichiku's Waka poetry and Hokku ( Haiku style poetry) in commemoration of the Jan. 21st, 1711 (Hoei 8) death of Kaga-no-Jo.
7. Eichiku's Waka poetry and Hokku in commemoration of the 1st anniversary of Kaga-no-Jo's death.
8. Hokku in commemoration of the 2nd anniversary of Kaga-no-Jo's death, 1713 ( ShOtoku 3).
9. One farcica Waka poem each by Fuji-Tayti and Eichiku in commemoration of the 6th anniversary of Kaga.-no-Jo's death, Jan, 1717 (Kyesho 2).
10. Hokku by Chikukoku, Gyokuzan, and Bairyti (all Kaga-no-Jo's disciples) and Waka poetry by Eichiku in commemoration of the 12th anniversary of Kaga-no- Jo's death, Jan, 1723 ( Kyoho 8).
11. A retrospective writing on Kaga-no-Jo entitled “Kuretake” written by Eichiku on the occasion of a spring, 1723 (Kyohei 8) memorial to Kaga-no-Jo.
12. Hokku written by each of Kaga-no-Jo's 8 disciples relating to the titles of 8 pieces (“Oharagoko”, “Minobu”, “Kan-Shtsjo”, “Matsukaze”, “Akashi-no- Maki”, “Hanago”, “Kusakari”, and “Aoi-no-Ue”) which they performed upon the commemoration of the 16th anniversary of his death, 1727 (Kyoho 12); also commemorative Hokku by three other of his disciples.
In summarizing the examination of the material related above, it can be said that number 1 is a letter written by Kaga-no-Jo in his later years, and 2 is Eichilw's response to that letter. Number 3 is the basis for the “Kyokyok uno- Maki” (a selection of Jeruri pieces in memoriam to ICaga-no-Jo) 21 farcical Waka (R) bequeathed by Kaga-no-Jo-which teaches of the training and experience gained from Joruri. Number 4 can be considered as the memorial Waka poem for Kaga-no-Jo's son, Uji Tarlizaemon Docho. Number 5 is as explained above. Numbers 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 are all memorial offerings to Kaga-no-Jo. It is worthy to note that in number 11 there is a discussion of Kaga-no-Jo's art.
In viewing the coarseness of the binding, it can be considered that its compiler feared the dispersion of this series of references relating to Kaga-no-Jo and therefore bound them into scroll form. The process of binding was such that Eichiku arranged, according to year, the affized pages 1 through 10, and afterwards Chikukoku wrote in 11 and 12.
There needs to be more detailed research done on these materials, but that will be undertaken in a subsequent paper.

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This report presents the results of a study conducted in the lJmama town, in the Yamada-gun, in Gunma Prefecture. The study, which centered on the Gion Festival held in )mama, placed particular emphasis on the special characteristics of the folk music found there, as manifested in the percussion ensembles. Omama has long been prosperous as an important trade center, and the Gion Festival held there is in honor of the local market dieties, who are enshrined in the Yasaka Shrine. The festival is held each year during the first three days of August, with manyv isitors from neighboringa reas comingt o watch and enjoy the lively atmosphere. As part of the celebration, six stage wagons ( dashi), one from each district of the town, are wheeled through the s treets, each bearing an ensemble of festival musicians. This report deals with the performance practices of the percussionists in these ensembles. The main points are outlined below.
1 Concerning music for the taiko drums, several patterned sequences were identifiedi, n cluding Santeko, Kiri, Tama, Hirabayashi, N imba and Amadare.T hese patterns are executed by four children playing small taiko drums and one adult playing a large taiko drum. Each of these patterns may also be played in combination with a flute (fue) and small hand gong (kane).
2 Variations in performance practice can be seen from district to district for most of the patterns, although the Santeko pattern is an exception, and is performed in exactly the same way in all six districts.
3 Comparison of these variations reveals that the patterns in the fifth district are relatively complex, and seem to have a closer link to older traditional styles, while patterns in the fourth district are somewhat simplified and abbreviated.
4 When considering the reasons why such variations evolved, importance must be attributed to the social structure of the Gin Festival itself, with each district virtually autonomous and each performance ensemble carrying on its tradition from generation to generation in an independent manner. The handing down of the performance tradition, and the training and cultivation of new musicians, are the responsibility of each individual district, and it is therefore not surprising that variations in performance practice arise.

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