This paper clarifies the basic structure of the modes of togaku, based on analysis of Sango Yoroku, an extensive collection of notation for the biwa (four-stringed short-necked lute) compiled by Fujiwara no Moronaga (1138-1192). It is said that the modes of togaku derive from modal usage in China of the Tang dynasty (618-917). Detailed analysis of the full range of individual pieces in notated in Sango Yoroku, however, indicates that various transformations occurred as the modes were transmitted in Japan, which resulted in a multi-levelled japanization of modal usage. In this paper three main levels of japanization have been identified: 1. changes in mode-key (Ch. jun, Jp. kin); 2. incorporation into certain modes of pieces originally in other modes; and 3. changes of scale structure in certain modes.
Next, in an effort to determine the basic structure common to all modes, statistical analysis was made of the modal usage in the melodies of pieces in Sango Yoroku with reference to the four basic Tang modal species, namely gong (Jp. kyu, church lydian), shang (Jp. sho, church mixolydian), yu (Jp. u, church dorian) and jue (Jp. kaku, church aeolian). Factors considered include the relative frequencies of appearance of the degrees of the modal scale, tendencies in melodic progression, and the position of mordent-like melodic ornamentation. A basic structure was identified: the character of each mode is determined by the relationship between two factors, namely the existence of two melodic centers, which might be called keynote and sub-keynote (the relative position of which differs according to mode), and the appearance of mordent-like ornamentation at specific positions in the basic heptatonic series. This structure is based on the concept of mode-key, which was not fully understood or transmitted in Japan, and it therefore seems reasonable to surmise that it derives from Tang-dynasty modal usage.

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Launeddas is a Sardinian triple-clarinet. There are now nine types of Launeddas, each in a different mode. The main repertoire of launeddas is dance music. Its improvisatory performance is based on the compositional principle iskala, a series of pikkiada groups (an individual pikkiada consists of periods of six or nine measure) whose selection and order is aesthetically determined. Each of the nine types of launeddas has its own iskala.
The existing studies have failed to differentiate between the theory of iskala and its performance practice. Through the course of fieldwork I hoped to develop a theory that would support iskala performance practice. From my fieldwork I have discovered that that the concept of iskala varies between regions, generationsand players, I decided to concentrate on the repertory of Aurelio Porcu (1915-), one of the oldest of the current generations of performers. Porcu's tradition derives from the Sarrabus, central region of launeddas playing. His repertory was inherited from his masters, some of the greatest launeddas performers. Porcu devoted his life career to a professional launeddas performance. As heir to one of the central launeddas traditions, analysis and understanding of his performance and repertory is vital.
Through analyzing the structural characteristics of iskala, this thesis attempts to clarify the aesthetic process underlying iskala performance.
Analysis revealed the following three points, as follows. First, the pikkiada groups that form the iskala, is are arranged according to the dance. Although the selection of pikkiada varies according to iskala, two pikkiada groups emerged as common to all iskala performance; furias and pass'appuntau, both of which are related to dance steps. It can consequently be said that the structure of iskala performance mirrors the structure of the dance ‹opening→furias→pass'appuntau→end›.
Second, in performance, there appear two characteristic features of the iskala. The first of these is what I refer to as “flexible framework”. This refers to the length of performance. As launeddas players decide on the spur of the moment how to develop pikkiada groups, they can control the length of performance, making it as long or short as necessary.
Furthermore, according to Porcu there is an aesthetic principle that no pikkiada group shall be repeated, what I refer to as a “one way principle”. This is a somewhat contradictory principle for launeddas players urged to play long performance. The existence of the “one way principle” demonstrates that launeddas dance music, based on a concept of the iskala, is a well-ordered logical construction.
Third, there appears to be an ideal “pikkiada matrix” for each of the pikkiada groups. When Porcu teaches iskala, he demonstrates various sequences of pikkiada in each group (Porcu calls each pikkiada group merely “sa pikkiada”, i. e the pikkiada). These are regarded as examples of typical pikkiada, in which there is no fixed or privileged pikkiada like theme, contrary to the explanation in the former studies. In the performance launeddas players can freely decide and play various versions of pikkiada in each group providing they follows the proper pattern at each stage of the hierarchy (motif, phrase, and whole pikkiada of each group). While this is not a concrete pattern that players are bound to adhere to, it appears that this has been extracted as a successful model of performance by experienced launeddas players. As a result, performing launeddas dance music can be interpreted as cr

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Balinese mocapat, represents certain metrics, poems, and songs, displaying a rich variety in lyrics, melody and singing styles. Such variety is evident in the “freely” ornamented singing style as pepeson in arja performance. Here, the same lyric, same melody in fact is sung differently. However, even within the free style, certain aspects are prescribed for the singers, so that the song can be recognized to belong to mocapat or a certain type of the melodies. I am able outline the nature of the “free” style. It can be characterized by the appearance of certain aspects such as, articulation, the fixed pitch of the final note of each line, and the place of ornamentation. Although the singer is “free”, these aspects provide the listener with a common thread among the varied styles of the song.
In addition to these rules, there are some other factors which provide similarity among the songs. These include the influence of paca-pricing (the basic tones which consists of the mocapat melodies), requirements of the context of singing, and the process of learning.
Mocapat songs are sung through the dynamic between these prescriptions and freedom. As a result, we may experience some similarity among the variations. The presence of such similarities is necessary to identify the piece as a mocapat. However, the freedom results in a wide variety of the same melody and allows singers to show their own individuality and creativity.

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The use of foreign (i. e., non-Jewish) secular melodies in the Hebrew hymns piyyutim (sing. piyyut) and baqqashot (sing. baqqashah), is one of the outstanding features that characterize the dynamism of the Jewish Middle-Eastern musical tradition. The integration of foreign melodies into Jewish liturgical and paraliturgical music is done in two ways: (1) contrafactum and (2) “musical adaptation”.
Contrafactum, the term originated from the Medieval Latin word contrafacere, meaning “to imitate, ” has been used in Western-vocal art music. It is generally defined as the substitution of one text for another without substantial change of the music (Falck and Picker 1980: 700). Contrafactum is applied as a key term to the study of Jewish Sephardi music (Avenary 1960; 1969; 1978, Katz 1968; 1986). Another crucial term in the study of present day Jewish liturgical and paraliturgical music tradition is “musical adaptation” (Bahat 1986, Seroussi and Weich-Shahak 1991). Bahat clarifies the distinction between the two terms: he defines contrafactum as the creation of a new text on the basis of a pre-existing song, in which the new text perfectly fits the melody, as well as structure and sometimes even the phonation of the opening lines of the original song. “Musical adaptation” on the other hand, is the singing of an existing text with a melody adapted from another pre-existing song (Ibid.), something that a soloist may do on the spot.
This paper focuses on the two musical phenomena, contrafactum and “musical adaptation” as they have been practiced in the Jewish Middle-Eastern community in Jerusalem during the 20^th century. In so doing it also casts light on the historical and cultural dynamism of the Jewish musical tradition.
Contrafactum has been used as a technique for composing new Hebrew hymns for more than 400 years. After the expulsion of the Jews from Spain (1492), newly founded centers of Jewry in the Middle-East were receptive to music as an element fortifying religious-spiritual aspects of life. Under the Kabbalistic mystical movement of Safed, new piyyutim were created through contrafactum, primarily for singing in social religious meetings. A number of Hebrew hymnals were published from the 16^th century on. In these books we can find titles of the original foreign songs with whose melodies the Hebrew texts were sung. The most important hymnal was Yisrael Najara's Zemirot Yisrael (1587, 1599 and 1600). The songs in Zemirot Yisrael were organized according to magam (Arabic musical modal system), a type of organization which became a model for later Hebrew hymnals in the Middle Eastern Jewish communities.
A great number of piyyutim were composed by means of contrafactum in Jerusalem during the 20^th century, and were included in the new books of piyyutim and bagqashot: Sefer Shir u-Shuvahah (1905 and 1921), Sefer Shirey Zemirah (1936) and Sefer Shirey Zemirah Hashalem (first edition 1952). Many of the new piyyutim are based on popular Arabic songs, especially those of the famous Egyptian singers, such as Umm Kulthum (1904?-1975) and Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahhab (1911?-1991).

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Uta-sanshin refers to the genre of music practised by the nobility during the age of the Ryukyuan kingdom involving singing accompanied by the sanshin three-stringed plucked lute. The genre is today more generally known as ‘Ryukyuan classical music’ and is transmitted primarily in two schools, Afuso and Nomura. The traditional method of transmission involves, in the case of the sanshin part, use of the sanshin notation in the Kunkunshii anthology, while the vocal part is learnt orally from the teacher. However, in the Nomura school, a method of transmission of the vocal part based on the vocal notation developed in 1935 is now widely practised. In contrast, the Afuso school does not even today use vocal notation, instead employing the traditionally practised hand movements known as tiyo. References to practical study during the Meiji era show that frequent use was made of body and hand movements in the Afuso school, while such movements were excluded from Nomura school practice. To judge from documentary evidence and current practice, the Afuso school would appear to have made extensive use of hand movements prior to the Meiji era.
However, most Afuso performers are currently unaware that these movements form part of the method of transmission, and the movements are handed on in a vague manner. In this paper I examine tiyo hand movements on the basis of the evidence provided by film images of the late Afuso school master Miyazato Haruyuki. I attempt to classify the features of these movements and to clarify their meaning and purpose.
I have found seventeen different movements of the right hand holding the plectrum and eight movements of the left hand gripping the neck of the instrument. I have given names and symbols to each movement and explained their rationale. There are three basic movements (up-down-stop), from which all right-hand movements are generated. Their purpose is to highlight the timing of the vocal and instrumental parts. The basic left-hand tiyo movements are of three main types. These indicate that the vocal line is about to fall or intensify or that the melodic line is to rise.
Correspondence can be observed between tiyo movements and the notated melody. This suggests that tiyo may have been based on specific stylistic forms. Differences in tiyo are connected with differences in tempo. Subtle variations in metre distinguished by the use of tiyo give rise to tension and enhance the musicality of uta-sanshin music. But it is almost impossible to express such differences in tempo in the standard notation, thus necessitating a new form of tiyo notation. Tiyo may be considered an important aspect of the Afuso tradition, and teaching based on a better understanding of tiyo movements is likely to be beneficial.

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Today there are significant differences in the performance styles of the three no flute traditions, the Isso, Fujita, and Morita schools. These differences first become apparent in documents from the late Muromachi and Edo period. In this period players of various schools began to transcribe their techniques through a form of notation called shoga-tsuke. However, there has been little analysis of the formalization of practices of the no flute traditions. As a starting point to address this issue, this study attempts to investigate the processes of generation and evolution of melody patterns in the Isso school's performance practices from the late Muromachi period to the present time.
The term melody patterns refers to the short phrases for an accompaniment of no chanting. Today there are about 20 extant melody patterns, such as “takane” and “rokunoge”. But only 5 melody patterns are seen in the Isso-ryu Fue Hidensho (the oldest shoga-tsuke dating back to the late 16^th century). In Isso-ryu Fue shoga-tsuke (the one in the early 17^th, century), there are even some melody patterns that are no longer performed today. So it is thought performance practices of melody patterns have changed much over time.
To address the mystery of how these patterns changed, I chose to compare and contrast the following six texts written in the late Muromachi period, the early Edo period, the middle Edo period, and the present time:
Isso-ryu Fue Hidensho
It was compiled in 1596 ((1)). This is thought to be the oldest scores. In 1704 it was inserted by Isso Matarokuro (?-1716), the fifth head of Isso school ((2)).
Isso-ryu Fue Shoga-tsuke
It was transcribed in 1660 by Isso Hachiroemon (1624-1703), the third head of Isso school ((3)). In 1705 section it was inserted by Isso Matarokuro (?-1716), the fifth head of Isso school ((4)).
The shoga-tsuke has the preface, “Tairano Masaka wrote this shoga-tsuke in 1791.”
This is thought to be written in 1791 by Isso Matarokuro Masaka (?), the eighth head of Isso school ((5)).
Isso-ryu Fue Yubitsuke-shu
It was written and compiled in 1940 by Morikawa Sokichi and revised by Isso Eiji (1910-1945), the thirteenth head of Isso school ((6)).
The notation of the six shoga-tsuke are analyzed using the smallest elements of the shoga score, such as kana symbols, phrases, and annotation made to shoga. Through this study, the following three aspects of the generation and evolution of melody patterns became evident. First, though several shoga symbols changed, much of the essential musical elements that form the core of no flute performance remained unchanged. Secondly, there was the process in which melody patterns became firmly associated with their titles. Lastly, I indicated that there were many different stages of flute performancesfrom the shoga of the earliest score Isso-ryu Fue Hidensho.The earliest no flute performance practices make us imagine no drama as havingpastoral roots. Noh players perhaps relied on only a certain core set of musical elements with significant variation in particular performance. It was a germinal stage that would grow into the no of today. From such variety, some set forms of melody patterns were born and they changed variously and finally they established today's styles. In the changes in no flute performance, we can see the parallel evolution of all of no drama.

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