Go-eika is a genre of hymns sung in Buddhist pilgrimage and service. Singing go-eika is the way for its singers to express their constant religious beliefs. The singers are not permitted to change its lyric and melody in their own needs because it is believed that there is the only “right” way of the performance. In reality, however, its notation and performance are changed frequently. Focusing on the go-eika of the Mitsugon school, the present article aims to examine this contradiction: why the singers can maintain the continuity of the go-eika while changing both the notation and the oral tradition.
The first section of the article discusses how go-eika has been transmitted from monks (i. e. the instructors of go-eika) to devotees with the written notation and oral transmission. The latter here includes the instructors' model performances and oral explanations about the way of performing go-eika.
The second section focuses on a piece of go-eika called “Tsuicho wasan” and examines its notational changes chronologically. This reveals that the newer notation includes more information than that which used to be transmitted with the older oral instruction. The relationships between the notation and the oral instruction have been modified by instructors.
The third section analyzes the process in which the instructors change the notation and oral instruction. It is found that these changes are resulted from the different interpretations of the “right” way of performance among the instructors. When they realize some of the interpretations as “not right”, they decide what is the “right” way of performance at a conference called “Shihan-kaigi”.
In this way, go-eika instructors seek to transmit the “right” way as perfectly as possible, whereas they actually allow themselves to embrace some creativity, which is often appreciated as an expression of brilliant musicality. Therefore, investigating the relationships between the norm and creativity, the author argues the mechanism of changes in the notation and the oral instruction as follows.
The Instructors demonstrate the norm which they regard as the “right” way of performance and transmit with the notation and the oral instruction. In this process, the instructors attempt to pass the go-eika down without making any changes but on the other hand express with their creativity, resulting frequently in different interpretations among the instructors' performances. This means that the transmission is in effect imperfect. The instructors generally explain it as “a proper range of the performance”and regard it as brilliant musicality. Occasionally the instructors who aim to transmit go-eika in the “right” way consider the imperfect one to be “not right” or “contrary to the norm”, when they discuss the “right” at Shihan-kaigi and reconstruct the norm. When they find the discrepancy between the new norm and the notation or oral instruction, they reform the notation or oral instruction in accordance with the new norm. Consequently, the go-eika instructors can in a way maintain the norm while changing both the notation and the oral tradition.

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Zannyasho records that hojoe at Iwashimizu-hachimangu was famous as the second biggest Buddhist rites in medieval Japan. Gagaku was played in a large scale during the ritual process mixed with Shinto elements. The gagaku was referred to as Shigaku, Shibugaku or Shigugaku, any of which means that Shibu, four orchestras (Shingaku, Koma, Rinnyu and Dogaku), played together.
A common historical view of Buddhist rites with gagaku played is buit on important rites of ancient times and the present age (installing services for the Great Buddha at Todaiji, extraordinary rites in the late Heian period, Shoryoe at Shitenoji). The way the orchestras played gagaku at the ancient Buddhist rites changed from four independent units at Todaiji to two in the late Heian period. Greatly influenced by the idea that the two units of the Sayu (the Right and the Left) have shared in the work to play gagaku, we tend to think that the orchestras have been separated into two since the Heian period, and pay no attention to four-in the Medieval Iwashimizu hojoe.
In this paper, I analyzed the four units in terms of Sayu, particularly focusing on the first half of Iwashimizu hojoe. First, I examined the terms of Shigaku, Shibugaku and Shigugaku which were written in historical documents of the 12th to 13th centuries, and reconstructed a possible ritual sequence. Second, I reorganized the former theories about the idea of Sayu, and clarified the ideas of Sayu in various events with a detailed classification. The last, using the classification, I analyzed how the players of the four orchestras were divided into the Right and the Left, and concluded that the Sayu recorded on the historical documents about Iwashimizu hojoe was derived from two orchestra pits which were placed in the right and the left on the site.

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In the ancient court of Japan they held Toka Sechie _??__??__??__??_, one of the types of Imperial ceremony or feast celebrated on the sixteenth day of each new year. We know it as Toka Sechie because the ceremony included the typical dance of Toka _??__??_. It has been argued that it comes from the Chinese festival of YuanXiaoGuanDeng _??__??__??__??_, but there is a serious time contradiction; YuanXiaoGuanDeng were held in 713, whereas Japanese model of Toka Sechie started between the end of the 7^th century and the very beginning of the 8^th century. So I suggest that BaiXi _??__??_ (an acrobatic, music and dance festival that was held in an old Chinese city by Yang _??_ (reigned 604-18), a great emperor of the Sui ?? dynasty) is where the Japanese model of Toka Sechie originated, based on some constructive comparisons between two imperial events from a political point of view. Moreover, I will analyze the political importance of musical and dancing performance in the Japanese ancient court mentioning not only other examples of Emperor Yang's BaiXi but also the archery ceremony.
In chapter 1, I reveal two things about the construction of Toka Sechie through analysis of official protocol and histories; firstly, the presence of embassies at the ceremony was highly important in order that they may perform there. Secondly, in the early days the dates and events were not fixed, the Toka performance especially was not regulated until the middle of the 8^th century, so we cannot use the Toka as evidence to determine the origin of Toka Sechie.
In chapter 2, I study the Chinese side, basing this study on descriptions of the official history of SuiShu ⌈_??__??_⌋, some literature and other types of records. I demonstrate inconclusively the existence of Toka performances in this area by showing that some terms of “Toka” performance appear besides those imperial events. On the other hand, I conclude that Emperor Yang's BaiXi is the model of Toka Sechie due to two commonalities with the Japanese Imperial ceremony; firstly, Emperor Yang gave audience to those who came to LuoYang _??__??_ BaiXi to display his immense power and that of his vast Sui empire, at which the embassies were obliged to be present. Secondly, we can see systematic and national arrangements for this festival.
To determine whether or not embassies performed in each court, I must take into consideration the significance of the difference between two Imperial archery ceremonies (SheLi _??__??_ in China, Sha _??_ in Japan) in chapter 3 as Japanese model of Toka Sechie is closely related to the ceremony of Sha. In Chinese SheLi, foreigners never participated but were obliged to in Japanese Sha, as was the case in Emperor Yang's BaiXi and in Toka Sechie and its Japanese model. Now we have a model on which to base a study on the political significance of the difference between these archery ceremonies in each country, and I suppose that its significance is also applicable to Toka Sechie, not only because the Japanese model of Toka Sechie contained archery performances in its original style, but also because both marshal and musical performances are considered symbolic of the performer's obedience to the main spectators in ancient Japan. A Japanese historian has proved that these situations in two Imperial archery ceremonies represent the difference of Li _??_, a political philosophy which includes various ways to show and maintain it in each court. In addition to this conclusion, it is suggested that Yue _??_.music had second place to express Li, as She had the third, so I consider that the typical ceremony to perform music and dance in Japan can reflect

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The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the basic ideas, processes, and results of the mass production of balalaika, a three-stringed Russian folk musical instrument with a triangular body, as a case study of Soviet cultural policies in 1920s-30s.
The “Five-year plan” was applied to cultural policies as well as to heavy industries. During the first five-year plan in 1928-32, many balalaika factories were constructed in order to enable the mass production of a standardized instrument. Consequently, in the second plan, 1933-38, the popularization of cheap, high-quality, factory-made instruments was encouraged, and, at the same time, genres of balalaika music were reorganized.
The Lunacharskij's factory in Leningrad, one of the most famous factories of string instruments in the USSR, had already started mass production of modernized balalaika in 1925, which had been improved and fretted chromatically by V. V. Andreev before the Russian Revolution. However, the results of the five-year plans were outstanding. Output of balalaika grew by more than 150 thousand instruments in the 1930s, reaching 210 thousand in 1932. Export of the instrument started in 1934. The growth in productivity was enabled by the systematization of the production process and the training of a qualified labor force. The Soviet government established some institutions for training in musical instrument manufacture during the five-year plans.
From the time of their establishment, Soviet cultural policies aimed at the modernization and urbanization of balalaika music and purged out the “folk” and “peasant” elements that were defined as primitive and harmful to the construction of socialist culture. However, such policies were not completely successful. Ironically, the mass production of the instrument led to the development of folk and peasant balalaika music as well as more urbanized variations. People living in the provinces began to use factory-made balalaika with the traditional tuning, repertoires, and opportunities of performance.
Nowadays, in some Russian villages people who can play the traditional peasant balalaika music can be found. From their performances and stories we can detect another version of history that has not been included in the official history of the USSR.

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The objective of this study is to describe the compositional work of Didik Nini Thowok, a choreographer, dancer, and comedian from Yogyakarta, Central Java, Indonesia.
Didik Nini Thowok was born in Temanggung, Central Java in 1954. After finishing his academic training at the Indonesian Dance Academy in 1983, he learned the various dance traditions of Indonesia, such as Balinese, East Javanese and West Javanese dance. He also has abundant experience in learning various foreign dance traditions such as those of India and Japan, among others.
As a multi-talented artist, and especially as a dancer impersonating female characters, Didik Nini Thowok has performed for a variety of audiences around the world. His representative works are: “Topeng Nopeng” (1997), “Panca Muka” (2000), “Behdaya Hagoromo” (2001), and “Impersonators” (2003). Since 2000, he has been advocating the concept of “cross-gender” and consciously performing works as a female impersonator.
Didik Nini Thowok uses traditional Javanese masks effectively in his choreography to express the role of the female impersonator. In this study, I focus on his unique style of cross-gendering in his work through the use of Javanese masks.

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