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  • 藤田 真利子
    哲学
    2010年 2010 巻 61 号 25-33_L3
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2011/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    Le but de cet article est de présenter certaines perspectives pour le débat public sur la peine de mort en vue de l'abolition.
    Au début, pour préparer la base de la discussion, j'ai revu le chemin parcouru par l'abolition mondiale de la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale jusqu'à la résolution de l'assemblée générale de l'ONU en 2007 et 2008.
    Alors qu'aprés la seconde guerre mondiale, le nombre d'homicide au Japon a continué de réduire, la plupart des japonais croient qu'il a augmenté et que la société japonaise devient plus dangereuse à cause de la médiatisation des affaires criminelles. Ils se sentent en danger et s'inquiètent.
    La première perspective présentée est la peine de mort comme un système d'état qui, vis à vis de l'inquiètude du peuple, l'utilise comme une excuse pour se présenter comme faisant face à l'insécurité et aux crimes. La peine de mort ne peut pas être la clef essentielle pour maintenir la sécurité, mais une société inclusive est importante pour réduire le crime.
    La deuxième perspective est le droit pour la vie et la conception du «bien-être public». Dans la constitution, les droits du peuple sont limités seulement par le bien-être public. Il se pose alors une question: cette limitation peut-elle s'appliquer au droit pour la vie? Et en même temps, il faut identifier le bien-être conçu par le peuple japonais.
    La troisième perspective est l'égalité du droit pour la vie. Cela dépendrait de la frontière que nous avons qui divise l'être humain «comme nous» et les autres.
    À la fin de cet article, j'exprime la conviction dans le progrès des droits humains et dans le fait que l'abolition de la peine de mort sera atteinte par la levée des frontières entre nous et les autres.
  • 哲学
    2011年 2011 巻 62 号 138-140
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2011/12/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 納家 政嗣
    国際政治
    1999年 1999 巻 121 号 191-193
    発行日: 1999/05/21
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アルジャー チャドウイック・F, 中原 喜一郎
    国際政治
    1976年 1976 巻 55 号 118-123
    発行日: 1976/07/20
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西立野 園子
    国際女性
    1999年 13 巻 13 号 6-8
    発行日: 1999/12/15
    公開日: 2010/09/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 種市 雅彦
    日本航海学会誌 NAVIGATION
    2013年 184 巻 81-88
    発行日: 2013/04/20
    公開日: 2017/06/30
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 五十嵐 元道
    国際政治
    2018年 2018 巻 193 号 193_140-193_156
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    In contemporary international relations, it is almost impossible to acknowledge the actual situation of armed conflicts without the reports of human rights NGOs. These reports often record detailed data, including the number of civilian casualties, and therefore contribute to the construction of the representation of armed conflicts. While constructivism analyzes the normative power of human rights and NGOs, it misses the struggle over the representation of armed conflicts between human rights NGOs and sovereign states. Applying P. Bourdieu’s theory of fields, this article demonstrates how human rights NGOs have fought against sovereign states and acquired a decisive influence over the representation of armed conflicts. Sovereign states and NGOs have constituted global and local fields in which actors wrangle over legitimacy by making the representation of the armed conflicts.

    This article argues that the struggles over the representation of armed conflicts between states and NGOs began in the late 1960s because of several post-colonial conflicts such as the Nigerian Civil War (the Biafran War) and the Northern Yemen Civil War. In these conflicts, traditional neutrality rarely afforded protection from military attack to NGOs; on the contrary, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)’s policy of avoiding testimony faced severe criticism as this policy seemed to help genocide continue. Until the 1960s, NGOs such as the ICRC had tended to avoid publicly criticizing sovereign states in armed conflicts even when NGOs confronted genocides.

    In the 1970s, human rights networks, including local and international NGOs, have been created because of serious human rights violations in Latin American countries. Various NGOs recorded human rights violations and publicly criticized authoritarian states. In the 1980s, when the Salvadoran Civil War occurred, local NGOs tracked civilian casualties and human rights violations by armed forces. With the help of these local NGOs, the newly established Americas Watch published many reports on the Salvadoran Civil War. Thereby, the Americas Watch tried to change the foreign policy of the Reagan administration that strongly supported the Salvadoran government. The data on civilian casualties was the focal point of the struggle between NGOs and the Reagan administration. This struggle contributed to the constitution of the global regime for humanitarian crises and led to the development of the methodology of fact-finding in armed conflicts. In the late 1980s and 1990s this global regime for humanitarian crises expanded as the number of human rights NGOs increased and the UN was involved in fact-finding missions.

  • 東南アジア史学会編集委員会
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1994年 1994 巻 23 号 144-181
    発行日: 1994/06/01
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 足立 眞理子
    季刊経済理論
    2013年 50 巻 2 号 85-87
    発行日: 2013/07/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • クロス 京子
    国際政治
    2013年 2013 巻 171 号 171_86-171_99
    発行日: 2013/01/30
    公開日: 2014/12/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    Transitional justice frameworks have been developed through the various attempts of societies emerging from conflicts. In this process, they have been stretched to encompass different kinds of norms, such as the rule of law and human rights, from related areas of post-conflict peace-building efforts. This “norm complexity,” however, has created tension between an existing norm and a new norm on its introduction when there is no congruence between them.
    In this article, I analyze how this friction caused by competing norms and practices has been avoided. In particular, I examine the way the local “reconciliation” processes have been incorporated into the existing transitional mechanism despite the fact that local justice norms often fail to comply with international norms such as human rights and international accountability norms.
    Firstly, I focus on the fact that the often vague and abstract concept “reconciliation” has different meanings and practices depending on the context and cultural background of its application. This phenomenon, which I call “normative pluralism”, is brought about by “translation.” This process of translation gives new relevance to pre-existing concepts in order to avoid contestation. These translation efforts can be explained as norm localization or “vernacularization” processes which result in the wide variety of meanings and practices.
    Secondly, I explore who actually “translate” the meanings and practices and what elements are diffused and how. Unlike their passive role described in preexisting literature, I find a positive and subjective role played by local agents to build congruence between transnational norms and local ideas and practices. However, I argue that transnational agents serve as translators between transnational and local arenas. In fact, interactive work by both local and transnational agents could create a balanced modification of both norms in order to avoid arbitrary translation by the dominant local actors. In order to explain the transnational diffusion mechanisms of localized norms and practices, I employ the model of social movement theory to illustrate what is diffused and what is not. I argue that versatile elements, which comply with international norms and principles, can be diffused and result in further localization at the local level.
    I apply this framework first of all to argue that in post-apartheid South Africa “reconciliation” was localized though the work of the TRC. I also discuss the way “reconciliation” was applied by the following post-conflict societies; East Timor, Sierra Leone and Rwanda.I conclude that versatile elements which are diffused by the transnational agents are only norms and practices in adherence with international standards and principles. As is clear in the case of Rwanda, however, these localization processes are prone to be manipulated by local actors without the involvement of transnational agents.
  • 本山 央子
    国際女性
    2005年 19 巻 19 号 148-152
    発行日: 2005/12/15
    公開日: 2010/12/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大畑 裕嗣
    社会学評論
    2005年 56 巻 2 号 400-416
    発行日: 2005/09/30
    公開日: 2009/10/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿の目的は, グローバル化に対応する社会運動に関する3つの異なった分析枠組 (反システム運動論, ネットワーク社会論, 東アジア市民社会論) における国家/市民社会関係の位置づけを比較検討することを通じて, わたしたちが生きている東アジアという地域の現実により根ざしつつ, グローバル化の時代に即応した, 市民社会論の組み換えへの道を模索することにある.反システム運動論は, 国家と市民社会が明確に区分され, 対抗しあうこともあるという古典的な前提を踏襲しているが, おそらく反グローバル化運動の実態と関連した戦略的計算のため, その点をあまり強調しなくなっている.ネットワーク社会論は, ネットワーク社会における市民社会と国家の位相を相対的に重視せず, 国家/市民社会関係という問題設定をはずして, 社会運動を論じようとしている.つまり, 反グローバル化運動の分析に主に用いられている既存の枠組では, 国家と市民社会は対抗しあうものとされるか, 中心的な分析視座とされていない.これに対し, グローバル化に対応する運動との関連では, まだあまり注目されていない東アジア市民社会論は, 国家と市民社会を相互浸透しあう領域として位置づける.
    現実の反グローバル化運動の中では, 東アジア市民社会論の視角につながるような要請もなされている.東アジア市民社会論は, この地域の特殊性と内部的多様性を宿命として担いつつ, グローバル化に対応するトランスナショナルなネットワークを地域内に形成していくための理論的・実践的課題を追求しつづけるであろう.
  • 福田 喜彦
    学校教育研究
    2016年 31 巻 88-101
    発行日: 2016/08/05
    公開日: 2017/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新井 凜子, 大谷 順子
    21世紀東アジア社会学
    2016年 2016 巻 8 号 57-74
    発行日: 2016/06/30
    公開日: 2017/05/22
    ジャーナル フリー

       This paper discusses how, if at all, Mandarin education affects Uyghur students in terms of the potential correlation between language and identity in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Xinjiang is located in the north-west part of China and it has been experiencing violent incidents against government policies recently. The Communist Party of China (CPC) has applied various social policies with the aim of achieving a “harmonious society” through “ethnic unity” under “Chinese Nation” as a response to those incidents. Mandarin education is one of the ways CPC employs to achieve ethnic unity. In Xinjiang, the importance of acquiring Mandarin language is stressed to ethnic minorities, like Uyghur who are mostly Muslim. Through literature reviews, a site visit, and interviews with Uyghur, this paper reveals influence of Mandarin education on Uyghur-Han ethnic group relations and Uyghur identity. It also explores validity of Mandarin education as means to realize ethnic unity and a so-called harmonious society.
       Language and identity are closely related to each other. For instance, language determines ethnic identity and identity encourages its holder to learn language. Mandarin education segregates Uyghur and Han Chinese and strengthens Uyghur identity because of this correlation. As this form of education differentiates Uyghur from Han and emphasizes the difference of Uyghur ethnic identity, current education overemphasizing Mandarin is not appropriate as means to achieve CPC’s goal of ethnic unity and a harmonious society. If the CPC wants to realize harmonious society as a multi-ethnic country, it should introduce education which esteems minority languageand culture, and should promote mutual understanding from both the minority side and majority Han side. In harmonious societies and multi-ethnic states, each ethnic group maintains its traditional language and culture. Minorities and Han should seek to understand one another through ongoing interaction and mutual acceptance of cultural difference. Key words: Mandarin education, language and identity, Xinjiang, Uyghur

  • 清水 奈名子
    エモーション・スタディーズ
    2015年 1 巻 1 号 50-55
    発行日: 2015/10/01
    公開日: 2017/04/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    Despite countless international efforts for the peaceful resolution of armed conflicts, why are so many conflicts still observed today? To find an answer to this question, the author seeks to test the following hypothesis; it is difficult to find the root causes of armed conflicts because peace and conflict studies have not paid much attention to research on human emotions. By reviewing previous studies, this hypothesis has been proven true for the following reasons. Firstly, the so-called “rational model” in conflict studies (including the areas of International Law, International Relations and International Politics) does not reflect peoples' felt emotions such as hatred and fear. Secondly, the present international system is not designed to handle politically motivated, aggressive emotions properly. As a conclusion, this essay notes that a pro-social emotion such as empathy does not necessarily prevent conflicts. Interdisciplinary research efforts concerning armed conflicts are needed so that the “vulnerable human model” which indicates a person who can easily switch from victim to aggressor or vice versa will replace the “rational model” in the future research.

  • 櫻井 悟史
    犯罪社会学研究
    2017年 42 巻 91-105
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
     本稿では,なぜ日本は死刑を存置し続けるのかという問いについて検討する.特に1948年3月12日 の最高裁判所での新憲法下における死刑制度合憲判決に着眼し,当時の死刑/絞首刑と「残虐」観が いかなる関係にあったのかについて,占領期という歴史的・社会的背景(=「時代と環境」)から読み 解くことを目的とする.  分析対象は,アメリカ国立公文書館Ⅱの資料,当時の刑法学者たちの論文,アルフレッド・オプラー の回想,朝日新聞・読売新聞といった新聞記事である.  分析の結果,先行研究で指摘されるような占領期に死刑廃止の機会を逸したというよりはむしろ, 占領期という「時代と環境」が死刑制度を存置する要因の一つであったことが明らかとなった.  アメリカではすでに絞首刑が廃 すた れて久しいことに鑑みるなら,死刑制度合憲判決が出された当時の 「時代と環境」は大きく変わったと考えられる.それゆえ,法学的な視点のみならず,歴史的社会的な 視点からも,死刑制度合憲判決における「時代と環境」を再考する必要があるというのが本稿の結論 である.
  • 東 泰介
    法政論叢
    1990年 26 巻 3-27
    発行日: 1990/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    One of the major tasks of the present International Law is the protection of human rights in the community of nations. It is after the second world war that the importance of international protection of human rights was widely recognized. Before the war the protection of human rights was mostly depended upon the internal legal systems of individual States. The United Nations has made great efforts for the advancement of international protection of human rights. The General Aseembly adopted "the Universal Declaration of Human Rights" in 1948. It also adopted the "the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Economic Rights", "the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights" and "the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights" on 16 December 1966. These Covenants and the Optional Clause came into force on 3 January 1967 and 23 March 1967 respectively. Presently these "International Bills of Rights" are the most important documents for the protection of human rights. The United Nations has adopted many other declarations and conventions on human rights in various fields. The UN Specialized Agencies such as the International Labour Organization and the UNESCO have also adopted conventions for the protection of human rights in the areas of their mandates. The regional organizations such as the Council of Europe, the Organization of American States, and the Organization of African Unity have also made significant contributions for the protection of human rights. These organizations have adopted regional conventions on human rights and operated their own systems for the implementation of the conventions. In spite of the large number of human rights conventions adopted and brought into force, still the present state of international protection of human rights is not satisfactory. The weakest point is in the systems of implementation of the conventions. Although the committees have been set up by the conventions in order to secure the compliance of the contracting States, these committees usually have no power to give binding decisions. The committees can examine the reports submitted by the contracting States on the implementation of the conventions. But their opinions on the reports are not binding. A committee may specially be empowered to receive complaints of the contracting States on the violation of a convention by other contracting States, or the complaints of individuals whose rights assured by a convention have been injured by a contracting State. Yet what the committee can do on the complaints is to lead to "friendly solutions" or to make recommendations. The Courts of Human Rights under the conventions adopted by the Council of Europe and the Organization of American States can make binding decisions. The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe is given the same power. Therefore, they are rather exeptional. The systems of the protection of human rights in the international community should develope to the same level as these regional systems. The attitudes of the Japanese government towards the international protection of human rights may generally be summarized as not positive. The government has not adhered to many human rights convention on such as the prevention of "Genocide, Apartheit, Discriminations, Tortures or the convention prohibiting discriminations in the field of education adopted by the UNESCO. It has not recognized the power of the Human Rights Committee of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to receive complaints of other contracting States or individuals against Japan. The judiciary is not inclined to apply human rights conventions to the cases brought before the courts. Yet the influences of human rights conventions are observed in enactments or amendments of legislations as well as in public activities for the promotion of human rights.
  • 望月 雅和
    日本経営倫理学会誌
    2017年 24 巻 309-322
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/04/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    The subject of this study was professional education for the rapidly escalating social and economic demand for care, primarily due to transfiguration of the population dynamics in recent years, with emphasis laid on the principal aspects of professional education, especially in care and childcare, for which there is a brisk social demand. The present paper, furthermore, deals with discussion basically of the foundation of the human being elaborated by Waka Yamada (1879-1957), who was engaged in child care activities, as an actual case.  The case of Waka Yamada, in particular, is valuable not only for its uniqueness, but also for the novelty as compared to the present-day advanced researches. This study represents a discussion of the principles and ethical aspects of care practice through research approaches from the viewpoint of history of thought.
  • 澤井 志保
    東南アジア研究
    2016年 53 巻 2 号 244-278
    発行日: 2016/01/31
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Indonesian literature, “baboe/babu (female maid/domestic worker)” appears recurrently as a prominent icon of lower-class women's submission and subordination. For instance, babu oftentimes symbolizes a victim, a vamp, or a bimbo in the text, in the authors' attempt to question the negative impacts of modernization processes in society. As a result, babu cements the derogatory images of women's intimate labor at the intersection of gender and class, as the figure in the lowliest position amongst nyai (concubine) and bini (wife).
     This links to the fact that the devaluation of female domestic work has occurred in tandem with the gendered division of the public and private spheres. Such gendered division assumes males as “independent” subjects and females as symbols of dependency. With intimate labor (including domestic labor) being defined as women's work, women's own need to be cared for has been stripped from “public” discourse. In this way, the welfare of domestic workers is oftentimes overlooked behind their care responsibilities.
     However, the rising tide of transnational migration of Indonesian women as domestic workers has been redefining the meaning of intimate labor. This paper examines an award-winning short story written by an Indonesian woman who used to work as a domestic worker in Hong Kong and Singapore, to indicate how her text resists the conventional image of babu to inaugurate a brand-new subjectivity of female domestic worker, based on Eva Kittay's notion of “connection-based equality of care.” For this purpose, I elucidate that this text underscores caretakers' right to equality in carrying out their duties without giving up their own safety and welfare, something that is embedded within the relationship between two Indonesian domestic worker protagonists.
     First, I examine the fetish of babu as presented in existing prominent literary works. Second, I explore the story in question to point out how it deliberately employs an outrageous domestic worker protagonist in a way that apparently deviates from the aforementioned stereotypes of the domestic worker. By doing so, I argue that this deviant protagonist effectually defamiliarizes the conventional image of a female domestic worker in a Freudian sense of unheimlich, to unveil the people's prejudice crystalized behind it. Third, I indicate how the two protagonists exchange mutual care and attention, although they do not give up their own dignity and reasons. Such portrayals remind us of the “care inequality” of caretakers, which in turn suggests their vulnerability in receiving their fair share of care in the name of work responsibilities. From these points, I conclude that the text successfully unsettles and contests the fetish of domestic workers as care servitude, thus radically questioning how to build up better definitions of equality, autonomy, and dependency in caring for others, by revisiting them from the viewpoints of the time of globalizing intimate-labor migration.
  • 間嶋 崇
    組織科学
    2012年 46 巻 1 号 18-27
    発行日: 2012/09/20
    公開日: 2013/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
     本稿の目的は,経営学において「人権」がいかに論じられてきたかを明らかにし,組織における「人権」を議論する重要性を再認識することにある.これまで経営学において「人権」は,概ね 3 つの視点(規範,実証,批判)から論じられてきた.しかし,その多くは,間接的で部分的な議論に終始してきた.本稿では,さらに積極的な議論の必要性を主張し,組織の中の「人権」の再問とその人権の実践に関する議論の必要性を示している.
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