432 Japanese gardens are already made outside of Japan, and approximately 35% of 152 gardens surveyed were constructed to commemorate the friendship, and as for the order according to the country, most things are 54 cases in U.S.A. (43%), subsequently it is 16 (70%) in Australia. It is unique that 70% of the Australian Japanese gar dens are friendship gardens by the presentation from Japan. But the Japanese garden in Australia could be taken. This study defined the history and prese nt of Japanese gardens in Australia by on-site research for the important 17 gardens, questionnaires to the city councils both Australia and Japan. There are 28 Japanese Gardens in Australia and having been made first embassy by 1961as the stage of the national interchange. The Japanese garden which the Japanese well -known landscape architect who took in a Japanese traditional style of Japanese garden in each major cities by 1991. After, a local landscape gardening company in Japan cooperated as a member of the sister cities, collaborated of both sister cities. In this way we could find 3 passage of the time. They have important role for cultural exchange between Australia and Japan and be enjoyed or relaxed for the Australian peoples in spit e of there is a little support from Japan.

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This study aims to explore the role of transnational media in the process of formation of national/transnational identities. For this purpose, it investigates a case of young Japanese in New York City and London, by using multi-sited ethnography. The major finding is that contrary to the general discussion of transnationalism, transnational media, e.g. television, newspaper, or the Internet, lead informants to renegotiate their sense of Japaneseness. The main reason seems to be that these informants have internalised the notion of the 'homogenous' Japanese nation, and their sense of Japaneseness is intensified while living in a multiethnic society.

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Japanese language education was first provided by public institutions in Australia during the First World War. In 2012, the number of Japanese language learners in Australia has grown to approximately 300,000. In the nearly 100-year history of Japanese language education in Australia, Japanese newspaper publishers have displayed interest through occasional reports on Japanese language education in the country. The present study examined Japanese newspaper's specific focuses of attention on Japanese language education in Australia, and analyzed what they reported and what they did not report. The study revealed that Japanese language education in Australia over the past century has been reported on almost exclusively in periods during which Japanese newspapers perceived an increasing "Japanese language learning boom" (Nihongo gakushu netsu). Reports have used a large number of vague, sensational expressions such as "Japanese language learning boom," which have given readers the impression that the number of Japanese language learners was spontaneously increasing. The reports did not focus on the effects of Australian language policies on the increase in the number of Japanese language learners in Australia. In contrast, no reports were published on Japanese language education in Australia in periods when a "Japanese language learning boom" was not recognized to be growing stronger.

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Based on a large-scale survey conducted in several Japanese ethnic language schools in Sydney in 2015, this paper aims to review multiple dimensions of the degree of social cohesion of the contemporary Japanese ethnic community in Australia. Looking at several indices such as economic, political, and cultural integration; and daily experiences of the respondents in everyday life, it will attempt to describe the social profile of the Japanese ethnic community, questioning the generic perception of the community as a coherent body of middle-class migrants in Australian society. Along with references to follow-up individual in-depth interviews with some of the respondents in the survey, as well as a comparative analysis with outcomes of a national survey on social cohesion of the Australian population conducted annually, it will draw attention to the ways in which a particular sense of social cohesion with Australian society is constructed by Japanese with a differentiated sense of belonging to the local community, country of residence (Australia), and nation of origin (Japan). It will also focus on the communal diversity of the Japanese community resulting from a majority of women in cross-border marriages and their newer generations living and growing up in multi-cultural family circumstances, which may eventually lead to a need for advocacy related to their re-identification as a possible ethnic group of migrants that should be involved in an inclusive migration settlement policy in Australia.

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This study considers the perspective of Japanese Gardens outside of Japan through Sister City relationships, and clarifies how related Japanese local governments think, as well as present situations and issues. The target s of this study are 161 Japanese Gardens with Sister City relationship included the 2005 JILA survey “Japanese gardens outside Japan” and additional new information which is the result of singular investigation. The oldest Sister City Japanese Garden is Sanjose Japanese Friendship garden and Kofu Park at Cali fornia in 1965. The Sister City Japanese Gardens are primarily sited in the United States. The bulk of Japanese Gardens in the world were constructed late in the later 20th Century through Sister City relationships. All of the Japanese local governments which replied to the questionnaire in this study had some kind of continued relations after the establishment of a Japanese garden. However, it became clear that it is difficult to quantify continued "active exchange" between Japanese local governments and the Sister City Japanese garden site. Later, this study will be pushed further forward—questionnaire will be sent to Sister City Japanese Garden, in order to clarify examples and differences between Japanese local governments’ experience, as applied to Sister City Japanese Gardens across the world.

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Japanese gardens outside Japan have been created as a means of international exchange, and 639 such gardens have been identified worldwide. In this study, we surveyed 35 Japanese gardens in Australia, of which 71.4% are sister city Japanese gardens, to obtain detailed data and clarify their diversity. We established a new classification system for Japanese gardens in Australia based on the nature of Japan’s involvement in their creation: 1) involvement of the Japanese government, companies, or organizations (7 gardens); 2) strong involvement of Japanese sister cities (6 gardens); 3) collaboration between Japanese and Australian citizens of sister cities (6 gardens); 4) gardens created with only gifts or advice from Japan (13 gardens); and 5) gardens with no exchange or involvement from Japan (3 gardens). We also analyzed changes in Japan’s international exchange practices over the decades, starting from the 1960s, and compared these to Japan’s involvement in the construction of Japanese gardens in Australia. This study reveals that the diverse types of Japanese gardens in Australia were influenced not only by economic conditions but also by the evolving nature of Japan’s international exchange policies and its varying levels of involvement.

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Since the 1980s, the Japanese food industry in Australia has developed dramatically, and Japanese-style food such as sushi and sashimi has become popular among the Australian population. Although previous research has studied the reasons for this phenomenon, it has overlooked the significance of the recruitment of Japanese to work in the industry. Taking this research trend into consideration, this study examines the process by which Japanese working holiday-makers (WHMs) who work in the Japanese food industry in Australia travel to the country, in addition to their working situation in Australia. In doing so, it attempts to conceptualize the role of the Australia-Japan working holiday program in the development of the industry. The author conducted fieldwork in Australia as part of this study. This included an interview survey of Japanese WHMs and participant observation of a Japanese restaurant in Melbourne. The data collected through this fieldwork produced the following three findings: 1) Highly-skilled Japanese workers such as chefs and managers tend to travel to Australia on working holiday visas, and change their status of residence to working visas when they are sure of their working and living situations in Australia; 2) Japanese WHMs tend to accept low-paid jobs in the Japanese food industry, for example as kitchen hands and waiters, due mainly to their lack of English skills; 3) Japanese WHMs who take on low-paid jobs in the industry are trying to improve the quality of their working lives through self-help efforts and collective action, for example by seeking complementary rewards, creating original games, enjoying conversation with customers, and receiving informal support from managers. They are attempting to gain a feeling of pleasure and satisfaction through such activities instead of demanding that their employers improve their working conditions. These findings have led to the conclusion that the Australia-Japan working holiday program plays two roles in the development of the Japanese food industry in Australia. First, it facilitates matching between highly-skilled workers and employers. Second, it provides a pool of cheap and obedient workers for the industry. Employers can take advantage of the program both to recruit highly-skilled workers and to reduce labor costs.

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第二次世界大戦後の時期、オーストラリア政府、とりわけ、チフリー、メンジーズ政府は、自国を冷戦における連合国の兵站基地として確立することを計画した。チフリー政府は、オーストラリアを英連邦の軍需工場として展開することを構想し、他方メンジーズ政府は、アジアにおけるアメリカの冷戦遂行のための軍需物資の補完的生産供給源として展開することを構想した。本稿は、手短かに、チフリー政府のオーストラリアを英連邦の兵站基地として展開する企てを跡ずけた後、メンジーズ政府のアメリカの兵站基地としてのオーストラリアの役割の探求を検討する。また、分析点として、本稿は、なぜメンジーズ政府のオーストラリアを極東の軍需工場として展開する企てが、失敗に帰したのかという問題を提起する。本稿では、メンジーズ政府のその企ての失敗の主要な原因として二つの点が指摘される。第一に、1950年代、アメリカは、南西太平洋の個別的戦略的重要性の認識を持っていなかったことである。アメリカは、南西太平洋のような「戦略的よどみ」の中に兵站基地を設立することを好まなかったのである。第二に、アメリカは、オーストラリアを主要な軍需工場として展開することが、日本列島に一極集中化しつつある極東の工業的製造ベースの分散化を持たらすことを恐れたのである。日本列島に排他的に集中化しつつある極東の工業的製造ベースの分散化は、明らかに、アメリカの主要な戦略的基地としての日本の役割の経済的基盤を損なうのであった。しかし、たとえ失敗に帰したにせよ、メンジーズ政府が、冷戦の相当の期間、日本が享受したのと同等の役割、つまり、極東における軍需工場としての役割を探求したことは、オーストラリアの歴史上、非常に意義深い出来事である。もし、アメリカが1950年代、オーストラリアをアジア、太平洋地域における兵站基地として展開することに合意していたならば、オーストラリアは、今では、現在よりもはるかに意義深い、そして、日本と比肩する、または、日本を凌駕する工業国家として発展していたことは、間違いない事実であったかもしれない。

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Yusuke Tsurumi was a Japanese politician who served as a member of the House of Representatives in the period before and during World War II, and then later as a member of the House of Councilors in the post-war period. In contemporary times, he is acknowledged as a pioneer of "Public Diplomacy". Tsurumi traveled to Australia in 1937, where he made, in his words, a "delightful discovery", namely a "Japanese language learning boom". Following this discovery, Tsurumi continuously examined Japan's external policy vis-a-vis Australia both during the war and in the post-war period. This paper explores the process by which Tsurumi discovered the "Japanese language learning boom" in Australia, together with facts concerning the true nature of this "boom". It also examines how his discovery was subsequently incorporated into Tsurumi's political agenda. This examination aims to uncover the influence exerted by one Japanese language teacher on the words and deeds of a politician.

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Gesturing towards the possibility of an alternative area studies, this paper focuses on the genealogy of criticism of Nihonjinron, or theories of 'Japaneseness,' which emerged in the context of 'Australian-style Japanese Studies' in the late 1970s. Hundreds of texts fitting the Nihonjinron category were written by Japanese and foreign specialists on Japan, both in Japanese and English. Usually, such texts argued for and emphasized the uniqueness of Japanese society. In particular after the rise of the Japanese economy in the late 1970s, these texts often tried to explain the uniqueness of Japanese society as underlying its economic 'miracle' in nationalistic tones, while Japanese scholars who obtained their Ph.D.s overseas critiqued such trends. In this paper, I focus on the works of 'border-crossing intellectuals' such as Sugimoto Yoshio, Yoshino Kosaku, and Iwabuchi Koichi. Focusing upon such figures, I argue that their specific scholarly initiatives were centered around Australia, and were directed against the conventional Japanese Studies established in the United States within the context of post-war Japan-US relations. They were also critical of the idea of modernity which underlies Japanese Studies in the United States, and self-reflexive in their attempt to formulate alternative images of Japan. However, we can still observe exclusivist nationalism involving ethnocentric interpretations of Japanese culture in today's Japan. This cultural essentialism is derived from a certain understanding of area studies, and functions as a logic calling for the elimination of ethnic minorities today. Such exclusivist movements and ideologies are deployed by a fearful majority who can no longer recognize themselves as members of the Japanese middle class amid a situation of rapid globalization. This seems to indicate that we need alternative ways to understand localness. Based on the efforts of the border-crossing intellectuals mentioned above, I would like to seek an alternative mode of depicting 'areas' by deploying the idea of 'liquid area studies' advocated by Tessa Morris-Suzuki. This concept does not try to grasp areas and their cultures as something essential and solid, but rather focuses on how areas are constructed by the flows of global economic, political, and social power. From such a perspective, and in order to develop an alternative view of areas, this paper focuses on local minorities, which are often excluded in the process of constructing local identities.

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During World War II, the Australian Government applied wholesale internment to Japanese residents in Australia. The Japanese community in Australia was small and easily identifiable. The catch-all policies which were applied to Japanese in Australia were simple and expedient. The Japanese were held in three internment camps which were located inland. As a result of internment and the subsequent deportation of most Japanese residents after the war, pre-war Japanese communities in Australia were largely snuffed out. Only a handful Japanese Australians were allowed to remain in Australia after the war. The purpose of my paper is twofold. Firstly, I will give an overview of the Japanese internment experience in Australia - from internment to repatriation/deportation. I will then focus on a few individual Japanese Australians still living in Australia to describe what internment meant for them, its effects and where they are now in contemporary Australian society.

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