Pottery making is still practised among the Yami tribe, Botel Tobago, although the artifact has been abandoned at one time or another by the other tribes of the Formosan mainland. According to the economical calender of the Yami, it is done in the month of 'Paruptogun', or September, and restricted to the men who manufacture such earthen ware as the Puraranum (water-jar), Wanga (boilingpot), Waga (earthen bowl), etc.
The plastic clay, which is decomposed andesite or agglomerate that prevalent n the island, is obtained from certain points along the valley, and upon being brought to the village, is first passed between the fingers in order to eliminate the small rock's fragments and grits, and kneaded well without adding any sand. As soon as the Yami has finished gathering the clay, the fuel which had been left in the mountains to dry is transported to the sand beach, where it is again dried in the sun.
The Yami mould the clay into a well-shaped pot with great ingenuity without employing the potter's wheel. A lump of the prepared clay is shaped with the hands into the form of a cylinder, the round base of which is laid on a leaf of the Raon grass (Alocasia macrorrhiza SCHOTT) and placed upon a board. The worker next pats the pot from the outside with the Paparo (patting club) in one hand, and supporting that part of the spot which is being patted from the inside with a flat stone in the other hand, thus building up the rough shape by gradually thinning and expanding the clay. The roughly made pot is moreover beaten out into shape with the Pipikpik (patting battledore) in one hand and a flat stone in the other. When the pot has acquired the desired shape, the outside is scraped with the Tatari or bamboo stick. The pot is left to dry in the wind, but out of the sun for about three days. The firing place is a cleaned space of ground on the sea-shore, a fine day with little or no wind being chosen. The fuel, which is cut up into lengths of a meter or so, is piled up in the form of a square block on the ground, and the pots are placed on it with their bottoms resting on the fuel laid side by side. More fuel is then added above and around the sides of the pots, and then being fired on the top of the fuel. Pots are baked two or three hours after the fuel is fired. The moulding of the clay and the firing of the pottery require great skill, with the result that the pot is often broken. Consequently, many taboos are observed among the potters in the pottery making season.
Explanation of Textfigures.
1. Diagrammatic sketch showing the manner of holding the flat, circular stone from the inside of the pot.
2. Pipikpik or patting battledore (Left) and Paparo or patting club. (Right).
3. Ipamarun-so-waga with section.
4. Pasasakuvan-so-waga or mould used for making the Waga or earthen bowl.
5. Moulding the clay into a cylinder.
6. Adjusting the shape of the pot with the Pipikpik or patting battledore.
7. Placing the pots in a depression in the piled fuel preparatory to firing.

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Snow is one of the environmental conditions affecting gardens. In the Niigata region the volume of snowfall affects several of the elements that constitute a garden such as the relative area of the ponds, the complexity of their shape and the comparative number of evergreens and deciduous trees. Snow falls in every part of the “snow country” of Niigata Prefecture. Typically, snow piles up in areas near the mountains or between plains and mountains. The Meguro residence was built in 1797 in snowy Uonuma City. Around the main house there is a waterway consisting of a small pond (Chisen) and a large pond (Sadogaike) close to the buildings, and several reservoirs. In this area of heavy snow, the water system with ponds functions as a mechanism to melt and dissolve snow swiftly. This is an introduction to the garden of Rankeiso Villa, close to the mountains in Sanjo City. The report describes, from the perspective of the local features of the Niigata region, how some of the ideas, intelligence and skills especially in relation to snow, developed through different places and experiences by long-ago predecessors in garden construction, are used to this day in garden work in the region. It also describes Rankeiso Garden as an example of garden construction from the perspective of modernity.

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当院における接触皮膚炎の原因物質はハゼの木であることが圧倒的に多い。またマンゴーは特産品の一つであり食することも多いが，ハゼの木とマンゴーの交叉反応を呈する患者は，文献的な報告よりも少ないように感じる。以上から当院の傾向や，ハゼの木とマンゴーの交叉反応率に関して検討した。
対象は 2014～2018 年の 5 年間に受診した接触皮膚炎患者とし，患者属性・原因物質・受診月・ハゼの木とマンゴーの交叉反応率について，医療記録および問診をもとに検討した。5 年間の接触皮膚炎患者実数は 436 名，ハゼの木による接触皮膚炎患者実数は 202 名，マンゴーによる接触皮膚炎患者実数は 25 名であった。問診にてハゼの木とマンゴーの交叉反応を確認できた症例は 19 名（8.5％）であった。温暖な気候の奄美大島では，ハゼの木による接触皮膚炎は年間を通じて発症するが，草取りをする機会が多い春から秋に多く，とくに台風の前後に庭の掃除をした際に接触してしまうことが多くみられた。マンゴーによる接触皮膚炎は，栽培者は 4 月～9 月に，非栽培者はマンゴーの旬である 7～9 月にみられた。
江戸時代，木蝋を収穫するため薩摩藩は島民に植樹を命じ，奄美大島には現在でも生活圏にハゼの木が多く生えているため，今後も感作されやすい環境にあると考えられる。また局所のみならず接触皮膚炎症候群，全身性接触皮膚炎，空気伝搬性接触皮膚炎を発症することもあり，啓発が必要である。

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本研究では，江戸名所図会に記載された御神木を対象とし，東京都心における御神木の継承実態を明らかにするべく調査を実施した。その結果，御神木のうち現存樹については物理的な継承を維持すべく良好な状態を保つための配慮がなされ，枯死樹では境内に御神木があるという状態を保つために２代目以降を植栽する傾向を捉えた。さらに現存樹の多くは，御由緒に関東大震災や戦災を受けながらも生き抜いたエピソードによりたくましさを付加する形で継承され，その重要性を増していることを捉えた。枯死樹については，本来の御神木はあくまでも初代御神木であるという認識から，枯死樹を祀り継承する傾向を捉えた。

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It is well known that people in Deir el-Medina engaged in the construction and decoration of royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings. Thousands of hieratic texts from the site revealed the social history, economy, and organization from the Nineteenth to Twentieth Dynasties. However, Deir el-Medina in the Eighteenth Dynasty has not yet been well studied due to the dearth of the inscriptions. This paper aims to examine the painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels in order to discuss artisans' painting techniques at Deir el-Medina in the late Eighteenth Dynasty.
The painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels is characteristic of Theban funerary assemblages in the late Eighteenth Dynasty. Vessels from Theban tombs (excluding Deir el-Medina) are supposedly decorated by artisans who painted Theban tomb walls—given the close connections between the stone or glass vessels represented in tomb paintings and the decorative style on the actual painted pottery. On the other hand, the examples from Deir el-Medina were decorated by artisans within Deir el-Medina itself because the decorative motifs are very unique and do not occur at other contemporary sites in the Theban necropolis. Therefore, comparative studies shed new light on the artisan's painting techniques at Deir el-Medina.
As a result, it was possible to discern difference in the motifs, painting techniques and productive skills between the two areas. The quality of the painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels from Deir el-Medina is inferior to those from the Theban tombs. Only simple decoration such as dots or lines is executed; Deir el Medina painted pottery also does not exhibit a white slip background or varnish coating.
To conclude, it is deduced that the artisans in Deir el-Medina did not have the same highly developed painting techniques compared to the artisans who decorated the Theban tombs.

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本研究の目的は,戦時体制下の日本の国民学校案における工作科の出現の背景を考察するものである。昭和14年当初,工作領域の教科内容は教育審議会の提案により作業科の中に手工として含まれる予定であった。図画手工関係者達は,科目の性質が異なる作業科に手工が含まれることに反対した。特に日本手工研究は,手工科の独立に向け激しい運動を展開した。本研究は,日本手工研究会による文部省への陳情の経緯について明らかにすることを目的としている。本研究の結果,日本手工研究会による文部省への陳情の経緯が明らかになると共に,この会が応援要請した機械化国防協会という組織の実態が明らかになった。

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