Kemalpasazade (1468-1534) was born in a military family, but afterwards changed over to the Ulema. He served in Bayezid II, Selim I and Süleyman the Magnificent, and was promoted to the Seyhülislâm, the highest rank of the Ulema. His chronicle in the fluent and elegant Ottoman-Turkish style, Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân was composed in the form that each volume (defter) was assigned for one of the Ottoman sultans, and 8 volumes for the reigns from Osman I to Bayezid II were dedicated to Bayezid II in 916/1510-11. After that by the request of Süleyman, 2 volumes for Selim and Süleyman were added, and thus the so-called “Kemalpasazade Tarihi” came into existence in 10 volumes. This work, however, was not appreciated in those days and forgotten by the later Ottoman chroniclers. Since in the latter half of this century Prof. Dr. Serafettin Turan published Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 1, 2 and 7, the importance of this work has been gradually appreciated.
This paper deals with Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid (1389-1403), which still remains a manuscript. The contents and the order of description of this work is fundamentally based on Nesrî's Kitab-i Cihan-nümâ, and also made use of the chronicles in the early ages of the Ottoman Empire, Oruc b. Âdil's and the anonymous Tevârîh-i Âl-i Osmân, etc. On the other hand, however, Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 contains much information of its own, which the above-mentioned works do not, and in this point we can say that this work has the great value as historical source. It fully describes the important events, for example, of the murder of Kadi Burhaneddin, the ruler of Sivas, by Kara Yülük Osman, the founder of the Aqqoyunlu Empire, and of the refuge of Aqtav, the influential amir of the Golden Horde, to the Ottoman Empire. And also there are valuable accounts for the activities of Bayezid's son Ertugrul and the generals of the marches (uc beyi).
From now on, if we make use of these accounts which did not come down to the later historical works, carrying out a further examination of them and confirming their reliableness, it has no doubt that Kemalpasazade Tarihi, vol. 4 is the essential source as well as Aslkpasazade, Nesrî and so on, for the reign of Yildirim Bayezid, the important age for the development of the Ottoman Empire.

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近年，家電機器におけるUI(User Interface)のカスタマイズ要望が高まるにつれ，処理能力とメモリリソースが限定されるマイコン上で動作するUIMS(UI Management System)が必要となりつつある．そこで，本論文では，家電機器向けUIMSの設計，実装，評価を行なった．本UIMSの特長は，UI記述言語としてスクリプトを採用し，そのスクリプトファイルを交換することでカスタマイズを可能としたことと，利用用途を家電機器のUIに絞ることで，スクリプトの記述能力に制限を加え，本UIMSをメモリリソースが少ないマイコン上に搭載可能としたことである．実装したUIMSを(1) 記述能力とカスタマイズ性，(2) プログラムサイズ，(3) 操作感において評価を行なった．その結果，(1)1KB～4KBのスクリプトファイルを交換することでUIのカスタマイズが可能であり，(2)UIMS のサイズが55.7KBで，(3)30fps以上の滑らかなアニメーションが可能で，ストレスなく操作できるUIMSを実現できた．

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This study attempts to examine early relations between Bayezid the Thunderbolt and Timur in the Five-Years' Campaign (1392-96) by means of considering several situations in Anatolia and Syria, and then analyzing a letter written by Timur to Bayezid. In studying this subject, the author use Bazm u Razm, an Anatolian source, which is little-known in Japan, as well as Ottoman and Timurid sources. The Bazm u Razm proves that Timur's intention for his Five-Years' Campaign was not only to recover the sovereignty of Il-khanid in Iran, but also to rule eastern Anatolia, namely, the former territory of Seljuqid of Rum, which submitted to Il-khanid. With this in mind Timur succeeded in ruling the whole of Iran, but fell into a difficult situation in Anatolia and Syria on account of the resistance of Barquq, the Sultan of the Mamluk Empire, Qadi Burhan al-Din Ahmad, the ruler of Sivas and Toqtamish, the Khan of the Golden Horde. It was in order to deal with such a situation that Timur wrote a letter to Bayezid in March, 1395 that proposed the establishment of friendly relations between the two. Therefore the conventional opinion should be corrected that Timur wrote to Bayezid in order to protect his back in carrying out an expedition to China after the Five-Years' Campaign. And he did not change his attitude toward Bayezid in the Seven-Years' Campaign (1399-1404), either. That is to say, Timur continually tried to seek the friendship of Bayezid and avoid struggling with him. On the other hand, Bayezid was extending his influence over Anatolia, but from the middle of 1393 he began to turn his attention to the situation on the Balkan peninsula, which had developed rapidly by the maneuvers of Venetia and Hungary, and in the beginning of 1394, he moved to Balkan. Under the circumstances Timur appeared in eastern Anatolia. And when Barquq and Burhan al-Din formed an alliance against him, Bayezid also joined it, refusing Timur's offer and strengthening relations with the anti-Timur nations. It is clear, therefore, that Bayezid intended to be hostile to Timur, and moreover, continued taking such an attitude in the Seven-Years' Campaign. But he also concentrated on strengthening his sovereignty over Balkan without taking measures against Timur during his approach, in contrast to Barquq and Burhan al-Din. This leads us to think that Bayezid adopted an intentional policy for Anatolia and Balkan. As for this supposition, however, we must carry out a further examination. In conclusion, we can say that the first relations established between Bayezid and Timur in the Five-Years' Campaign, lasted much longer after that.

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トルコは，ヨーロッパとアジアの境目にあり，オスマン朝では，バルカン半島，北アフリカ，アラビア半島に進出したため多様な文化の影響を受けている。トルコ料理は世界三大料理に数えられるが，米と小麦を両方使用し，海産物，肉，野菜と料理に使用する素材が豊富，ヨーグルトやオリーブオイルの使用など，本当に多様である。中でもヨーグルトは，日本では隣国のブルガリアが有名であるが，発祥の地とも考えられている。本稿では，ヨーグルトを始めとしたトルコ特有の発酵食品とその利用方法についてご紹介いただいた。

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Waqf, the religious and pious foundation, is the social institution known in the geographically and historically extensive Islamic cultural area, it is therefore important for clarifying the characteristic of Islamic cities to study how Waqf affected to form a social and physical urban structure. From this viewpoint, this paper focuses on revealing a physical urban structure and forming process of Istanbul, as one case, during the 15th and 16th centuries by analyzing a pattern of facilities' locations recorded in the Waqf deed or its survey registers. As a result, it is recognized that religious and public facilities tended to be dispersed across the city area while commercial facilities tended to be concentrated in a specific area, so that the territorial difference of urban function in the city emerged at that time.

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Commercial relations between the Ottoman Empire and European countries were regulated by the capitulations. Under the capitulatory regime European merchants were granted the status of muste'men, enjoying commercial privileges and protection in the world of. Islam. As trade began to expand in the mid-eighteenth century, muste'men merchants began to participate in trade within the Ottoman Empire, a situation which had been rather limited when the capitulations had first been granted. This commercial activity of muste'men merchants coincided with a period of financial crisis in the Ottoman Empire caused by incessant wars with neighboring countries. The Ottoman government were trying to raise its revenue in whatever way it could. One of the government's main targets was the custom revenues from trade. When this attempt extended to the imposition of internal duties on muste'men merchants, European consulates protested, and the situation finally ended up in the signing of free trade treaties between the Ottoman Empire and European countries. This paper analyzes this process by examining 1) the significance of miri duty (resm-i miri), one of the main internal duties imposed on muste'men merchants, and 2) the European opposition to miri duty in Izmir, a city which connected Ottoman internal and external trade networks.

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In the Islamic World, the highest title kept by a sovereign was “Caliph” or “Sultan”. Originally the successors or agents of the prophet Muhammad claimed to be “Caliph”. They held, in the earlier periods, the supreme power either in the secular or in the religious affiars. Only with the lapse of time, they lost their secular power and became mere religious leaders. This took place especially in the late-Abbasids. Consequently the “Sultan” appeared on the stage as a person of power who had replaced the “Caliph” in the secular affairs. In short, these two titles which are important in the Islamic history underwent some changes. But, in the Ottoman empire, they were again unified under the so-called Sultan-Caliph System. It is said that in 1517, the Sultan Selim I inherited, on the occasion of his conquest of Egypt, the title “Caliph” from the Caliph al-Mutawwakil, who was a descendent of the Abbasids and eked out a bare existence under the protection of the Mamluk Sultan Tuman Bey in Cairo. That is the origin generally accepted of the Sultan-Caliph System. But we have no evidence to support such a story in the contemporary sources. Accordingly scholars tend at the present to attribute this legend, at least for its first mention, to a work of M. d'Ohsson (Tableau Général de l'Empire Ottoman, pp. 269-70, t. l, 1788) written two centuries and half later than the reign of Selim I. Moreover, d'Ohsson himself states that the abdication in question is not as a historical fact, but as a leagal theory.
That is why we may doubt a fictious character of the above-mentioned story. On the other hand, we should not overlook the fact that the Ottoman Sultan was recognized in general as Caliph in the Muslim world as well as in Europe from the 18th untill the 20th century. Why could the fiction be accepted as a reality?
At first, it is necessary to examine the problem from Islamic point of view. In this case, the conquest of Egypt under the Mamlukids and the following occupation of Mecca and Medina, the two holy cities of Islam, by Selim are very important.
Secondly, we must consider the idea of sovereignity among the Turks together with the particularities of their faith. Up to the present, the study of the Sultan-Caliph System has been limited into the scope of Islamic history. Now, isn't it required for us to take a step into the new scope, that is the history of Turks as a whole? The comparative study on their traditions, institutions or ideas in the pre-Islamic periods will be much effective for the solution of our problem.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the constitutional plan of Namik Kemal (1840-1888), one of the most active members of the Young Ottomans who sought constitutional government. Kemal presented his ideas in an article entitled Usul-i Mesveret (the system of consultation, i.e. constitutional representative government), in the newspaper Hurriyyet (Freedom, 1868-1870). Previous research on the Young Ottoman movement have focused on its political and social thought. Here, however, author focuses on the relationship between the constitutional plan of the Young Ottomans and the reform policies of the Ottoman government, taking into accout the Islamic tendencies of the Young Ottomans within the social context of the Empire. The establishment of Sura-yi Devlet (the Council of State) in 1868 was one of the most important moments for the Young Ottoman movement. According to the Sultan's inauguration speech regarding the Council of State, written in Ottoman Turkish, which has seldom been decoded in the research to date, the Council was established based on the principle of the separation of powers, to secure the rights and freedom of all the people in the Ottoman Empire and to maintain the integrity of the state. Namik Kemal criticized this idea, and asserted the execution of reforms based on the principle of Seri'at (Islamic law) and the introduction of representative government. He further asserted the superiority of Islamic law over the constitution and justified the introduction of Western political systems. He also presented his perspectives on constitutional representative government in the Ottoman Empire based on the Constitution of France under the Second Empire. One of the focal points in Kemal's plan was representatives in the national assembly. Although he accepted the suffrage of nonMuslim people in view of maintaining the integrity of the state, he stressed that Muslims should have the initiative in the national assembly. He thought vatan (the fatherland) of all Ottomans was the Ottoman Empire as an Islamic state. The author coneludes that Namik Kemal proposed the constitutional assembly as a forum of representatives elected by the Ottoman nation under the condition that the initiative in the assembly would be in the hands of Muslims, who formed the majority in the Empire.

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