In Europe the study of the history of cartography has a long tradition that dates back to the Renaissance, but its establishment as an independent science had to await the works of L. Bagrow and others since the 1930s. During the ensuing fifty years, a great effort has been devoted to organizing an academic and social framework, including publishing general histories of cartography and facsimiles, and founding the academic society Imago Mundi. During the 1980s, paradigmatic changes occurred in the view and methodology of study in this field. These changes were initiated by P. D. A. Harvey's The History of Topographical Maps and particularly by Concepts in the History of Cartography by M. J. Blakemore and J. B. Harley, both works published in 1980.
In this paper the contemporary Anglo-American trends in the study of the history of cartography after 1980 are summarized according to the categories of iconology, context, and social history.
1. History of Cartography as Iconology
Various methods of interpreting messages conveyed by means of icons and pictures embedded in maps have been employed in the study of the history of cartography and historical geography. In recent studies of the history of cartography, the analysis of animals (W. George 1978), heraldry (R. V. Tooley 1983), portraits (G. Schilder 1985, P. Barber 1990) and other icons found in maps, as well as of the typology of cartographic symbols and legends (C. Delano Smith 1988), has continued.
A synthetic method to consider the map as a whole, not to analyze each element on the map or its border separately, was proposed by Harley (1980 & 1983). He used E. Panofsky's iconology as a framework and suggested that a cartographic parallel existed.
Attempts to interpret the whole work as a single icon, semantically or symbolically, have often been limited to the title-page of an atlas, rather than considering the maps themselves. Although Tooley (1975) had published a collection of title-pages of atlases, it was R. W. Shirley (1987 & 1988) who systematically organized all of them. Nevertheless these title-pages are categorized only by their format and content, and there is no in-depth interpretation of any individual map. For instance, the title-page of the Theatrum Orbis Terrarum by A. Ortelius, the first modern atlas, should be seen as a stronger spatial expression of the Darwinian paradigm than of the relation between those dominating and dominated.
2. History of Cartography as Context
Beyond the iconographic interpretation, a contextual approach to consider the individual map in the context of the historical circumstances in which it was produced has been developed. The cultural context, or the relationship between the invention of maps in early modern Europe and the corresponding historical and cultural circumstances, especially those of art, has been discussed by R. Rees (1980), S. Y. Egerton (1987) and S. Alpers (1987). All of these credit the impact of the revival of the Ptolemaic grid system to art.
In the political and social context, Harley (1983) applied his method to the meaning and function of the various scale maps under the Tudors and developed cartographic semantics. The county maps of Saxton, for example, were prepared with such things in mind as the bureaucracy, defence, local administration and decoration, and they have been interpreted as symbolizing the county community and serving a social function as the identity of the county and as an intellectual discovery of England. Harley (1988) later employed M. Foucault's concept of power-knowledge and episteme to interpret the relationship between the maps and the ideology in them. This work attempted to divide the empty space in maps, interpreted as silence, into intentional and unintentional silence, and to investigate in particular the role of political, religious and social ideology in the unintentional silence.

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A number of Canadian students of International Relations have been paying more and more attention to the significance of international activities of Canadian provinces.
From 1960 on, Quebec, one of the ten Canadian provinces, began to strengthen contacts with France and francophone African countries, while promoting the Quiet Revolution as an expression of the will to fulfill the “epanouissement” of the French Canadians in Quebec, and gave rise to bitter wars of words with Ottawa.
Traditionally, French Canadians had looked upon foreign affairs as a threat to Canadian independence and their own way of life. However, at the beginning of the 1960s, they radically changed this negative attitude. Having found the conduct by Ottawa of external affairs insufficient to their aspirations, they set out to play an active role in international affairs in respect to the matters to the belonging provincial jurisdiction, which might lead to the strengthening of Quebec's international personality as “l'Etat du Québec.”
Some of the factors contributing to positive international activities of Quebec are:
(1) Factors common to Canadian provinces including Quebec: International organizations and international legislation have increasingly been concerned matters falling wholly or partially within the legislative jurisdiction of the provinces. Provinces have different priorities in their policies, so the uniformity arising from vesting all international powers exclusively in the federal government is undesirable to the provinces. There are many problems to be solved between Canadian provinces and neighboring American states. Several provinces want to further economic relations with foreign countries.
(2) Factors peculier to Quebec:
Great convulsions in social, political and ideological domains in Quebec in the 1960s encouraged her to have “the desire to have access to certain areas of international relations, the will to assert an individual personality on a world-wide level, and the resolution to benefit from universl values.”
The advent of the de Gaulle Government and the victory of the Afro-Asian nationalism provided favorable conditions for Quebec.
The provinces other than Quebec have been carrying on .the international involvement pretty energetically, too, but without challenging a single Canadian personality in foreign affairs.
Roughly speaking, from 1961 to 1965, Quebec paid attention to establishing close contacts with France and, from 1967 on, attempted to promote intimate relations with French-speaking Africa, along with developing the contacts with France. Bitter wars of words were begun especially by the conclusion of an official agreement on education between Quebec and France in 1965. Quebec insisted she could reach agreements with other countries without consulting the federal government, when these dealt with specially provincial matters. Quebec's active and independent participations in international conferences at the end of the 1960s rekindled major confronations between Ottawa and Quebec.
The retirement of de Gaulle in 1969 and the advent of a “federalist” Bourassa Government in 1970 decreased a tension between Quebec and Ottawa concerning the international involvement of the former, but the government of Quebec still showed the determination to assert its position in international affairs.
Increased international activities of Quebec obliged Ottawa to abandon a waitand-see policy toward France and French-speaking African countries. Above all, the de Gaulle affair in 1967 brought Ottawa's relations with France down to a more concrete level. In addition, Trudeau's diversification policy based on the “Third Option” necessiated the normalization of the Franco-Canadian relations.
But in November 1977, when Premier René Lévesque of Quebec visited Paris, he was given an extraordinary reception by President

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