The favorite topics of past research on Asian city often involved “over-urbanization” and poverty in the city. While these topics are still important, the economic development in the past decades substantially changed the urban scene. Urban economic activities are thriving, and urban ways of life have become westernized to a great deal. Suburban development is currently underway, resulting in the development of megalopolis. A recent increase of the immigrant population in Asian cities is diversifying the ethnic portfolio of the city. Interests in the development of new urban cultural identity are growing in the hope of achieving the competitiveness in the globalizing world.

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　 The revised School Education Law of 2002 established the “University Evaluation System of Recognition” system which requires each university to undergo periodical assessment by the appropriate agency recognized by the Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology.

　 Taking account of the “Recognition System to the Evaluating Agencies” in Japanese higher education, this paper examines the significance of recognition system to the various accrediting agencies in the U.S.

　 This paper first explores the “USDE. Secretary’s Recognition” procedures undertaken by the accrediting agencies in the U.S. and then explains USDE’s indirect role in enforcing institutional compliance with accreditation criteria and National/State law. Finally, based on the above considerations, this paper reviews the significance of the new Japanese evaluation system promoted by the government and details problems associated with this system in relation to the global trade in higher education “services.”

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Why did the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) establish its first regional human rights mechanism, the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), and in what ways did non-state actors, such as regional civil society actors, affect the state-centric ASEAN decision-making for the AICHR's establishment?
To provide answers to these questions, it is imperative to grasp the complex interactions among regional track 2, think-tank- and university-based networks, regional track 3 human rights non-governmental organizations and civil society actors vis-à-vis track 1 ASEAN body.
This study illuminates the networking cooperation among track 2 and 3 actors within the context of the multi-track style of human rights governance in ASEAN. The concept of “horizontal dialogue” among them is employed in this study to help us understand this networking style of politics. This horizontal networking encapsulated the social life of these actors: they simultaneously engage with contention and deliberation to achieve their objectives of making ASEAN “people-oriented” at the time when ASEAN began drafting the ASEAN Charter in 2006 and writing the Terms of Reference (TOR) for subsequent regional human rights mechanisms in 2008.
This paper empirically traces and compares the two most influential track 3 civil society actors in the horizontal networking politics against the background of these historical junctures for ASEAN. The Working Group for an ASEAN Human Rights Mechanism (WGAHRM), based in Manila, was established in 1995 to materialize ASEAN's consideration of establishing a regional human rights mechanism. The Solidarity for Asian People's Advocacy (SAPA), a loose coalition of center-leftist ideological NGOs and civil society actors, was formed in 2006, the same year that ASEAN nominated the Eminent Persons Group for creating a Charter. The WGAHRM pursued “public-private partnership” in its advocacy strategy, to graft the 2004 Vientiane Action Programme onto a regional human rights mechanism that ASEAN seemed to lack both willingness and expertise to create. In contrast, in pursuing its more ambitious objectives, the SAPA mobilized what might be termed as a “counter-power initiative” toward ASEAN. Both actors capitalized on the track 2 venues created by the ASEAN-Institute of International Studies since 1990s onwards, directly talked with ASEAN officials, and hosted a series of workshops and conferences to articulate their advocacies.
This paper demonstrates that the WGAHRM's PPP advocacy functioned better, but at the same time, it posits a third type of advocacy—the ASEANstyle “Trojan Horse” that brought core key persons from regional civil society organizations to advance the AICHR's human rights promotion agendas. Yet in a formative phase, the composition of the AICHR may hold a key to filling a void in the TOR of the AICHR—the human rights protection activities- by linking the body with like-minded regional civil society actors.

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日本のフィランソロピーは近年著しい発展を遂げているが，フィランソロピーの概念と定義を包括的に整理した研究はまだ限られている．本論文の主たる目的は，フィランソロピーの定義を理解するための分析フレームワークを示唆し，日本のフィランソロピー研究を促す事にある．そのため研究の進む米国を中心としたフィランソピー研究のシステマティック・レビューを行い，定義を分析した．システマティック・レビューに際しては，近年の主要研究（Daly 2012, Sulek 2010a, 2010b）の他，各種文献データベース（ABI/INFORM, EBSCO, JSTOR）とインディアナ大学のPayton Philanthropic Studies Libraryを用い，フィランソロピー研究者の助言も得た．その結果，西洋のフィランソロピーの様々な定義と関連する社会的，政治的，文化的要因，そして時系軸と理論的観点からの類型化という2つの観点からフィランソロピーという概念がいかに捉えられてきたかを考察すると共に，この類型化と日本のフィランソロピー研究の発展との関連性にも触れる．

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The focus of this article is recent development of arguments on the concept of ‘civil society’ in its African context. Although the concept has been used in a variety of contexts, there is no consensus about the exact meaning of ‘civil society.’ In this article, the main purpose is not to determine the content of ‘civil society, ’ but to exploit changing socio-political realities on the African continent by reviewing the transformation of discourses on ‘civil society’ in Africa in the 1990s.
A French Africanist, Jean-Francois Bayart, first introduced this concept in African studies in the early 1980s. However, it was only at the end of 1980s that this concept was popularly used to refer to a variety of actors engaged in the process of democratization. Being stimulated both by democratization in reality and articles by Michael Bratton who emphasized the importance of studies concerning state-society relations in Africa in the coming age, there emerged several research projects related to the concept of ‘civil society.’
In the early 1990s the concept of ‘civil society’ was adopted by donors in the policy documents of international organizations, who regarded the process of democratization necessary and wished to promote it through supporting ‘civil society’ against their historical experiences in the Western World. However, many African specialists have interpreted this as a sort of imposition of the Western version of civil society as ideology.
A Nigerian scholar, Peter Ekeh, developed one of the counter-arguments against this neo-liberal version of ‘civil society’ above. He expanded the sphere of ‘civil society’ to the area so-called ‘primordial public, ’ where associations based on ethnic and ‘traditional’ identities are working. A recent argument developed by Nelson Kasfir shared a lot with Ekeh's in his definition of the concept of ‘civil society.’ Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz raised a criticism against the utility of the concept in the context of Africa, where the state and society are so intertwined.
In conclusion, the following points were raised. The changing discourses of ‘civil society’ clearly showed us the transformation of both socio-political realities in Africa especially in terms of democratization and academic interests. Regarding the latter, some scholars' interests have changed from the state-‘civil society’ relations to social relations and creation of democratic values in the sphere of ‘civil society’ per se. This diversification of interests made the concept of ‘civil society’ more ambiguous. It is necessary for scholars to realize both the usefulness and danger surrounding the concept of ‘civil society.’

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