Alain Locke (1885-1954), a seminal African American intellectual of the early twentieth century, is today best known as a midwife of the Harlem Renaissance and editor of The New Negro (1925). His multi-faceted contributions to the artistic and intellectual landscape of the Harlem Renaissance are widely recognized, but the depth of his philosophy-specially his pragmatism, cosmopolitanism, and multiculturalism-remains underappreciated. This essay aims to fill that gap by examining Locke's philosophical works, arguing that cosmopolitanism is an important philosophical foundation both for Locke and The New Negro. In addition, this essay seeks to provide a detailed account of Locke's relationship with Horace Kallen, another important philosopher of cultural pluralism, and William James, a pragmatist philosopher. Their relationships reveal the way in which Locke's cosmopolitanism builds on the cultural pluralism fostered by these important philosophers. The beginning of this article investigates why Locke's cosmopolitanism has been misunderstood for a long time. One reason is that the term "cosmopolitanism" in the early-to-mid twentieth-century was associated with the ideal of the universal human community, one that requires a person to transcend all particular racial, ethnic, and local differences and divisions. This sense of cosmopolitanism was problematic for African Americans; cosmopolitanism for African Americans meant abandoning their racial differences and assimilating into the dominant group. As a result, at the time when Locke articulated his ideal of cosmopolitanism, he was criticized by other African American artists and critics for espousing cosmopolitanism as an assimilation strategy. However, this was only a partial understanding of Locke's cosmopolitanism. By closely examining his unpublished manuscript "Cosmopolitanism" (1908), this essay reveals that, rather than theorizing cosmopolitanism as a way to assimilation, Locke created what can be called multicultural cosmopolitanism (or critical cosmopolitanism). Locke's cosmopolitanism articulates a vision of a multicultural America, in which ethnic and racial differences are part of a shared national community. Locke's critical cosmopolitanism, in this sense, resonates with Horace Kallen's "cultural pluralism," which rejected the melting pot theory and expectations of conformity during the great wave of European immigration. By juxtaposing Locke with other contemporary multiculturalists in this way, this essay analyzes what is unique about Locke's cosmopolitanism. The latter half of this essay argues that Locke's theory of multicultural cosmopolitanism opens up a new understanding of The New Negro. Traditionally, critics have identified this anthology as a cultural nationalist text that forged a new racial consciousness among African Americans. At the same time, however, the scope of The New Negro is actually far larger. In this anthology, Locke collects a variety of contributions that support his view of multicultural cosmopolitanism. Among the selections in The New Negro, John Matheus's short story "Fog," winner of the 1925 Opportunity prize, is of great importance for this essay. The story foregrounds American cultural pluralism-or what Locke calls a "cosmopolitanism within a nation" and "unity through diversity"-in the context of the modern urban landscape. Describing a variety of immigrants and racial minorities sitting side by side in a single train car, "Fog" represents Locke's multicultural-cosmopolitanism that sought an inter-racial, inter-ethnic, and intercultural communication.

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近年、多様性の進む日本において、「ブラック企業」という語は差別語なのではないかという議論がなされている。アメリカで日本語を学ぶ大学生134名に、２年間にわたり、このテーマに関連した多数の新聞記事や動画を紹介し、その後、学習システム上のディスカッションボード（電子掲示板）を使用して学習者同士が議論する場を設けた。そのディスカッションボードで行われた学習者同士の議論を分析した結果、この語は差別語ではなく使い続けることに問題がないという学習者が51％、問題であるという学習者が28％、どちらとも言えないという学習者が21％いて、立場が分かれることがわかった。また、どの立場の学習者からも、変更するとしたらどのような語が考えられるかという代替案が提示されていた。投稿の分析からは、いずれの立場の学習者も、他者の意見を肯定しつつ自分の立場を表明しており、それが外国語教育の目的である相互コミュニケーション能力の獲得につながる第三次社会化の過程となっていることが確認された。

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　This paper examine the provisions of some constitutions on voting rights. If we remove Buchanan-Tullocks two suppositions on voting rights, and think the range of qualified voters as a variable, then changing the value of this variable will have an influence on interdependence costs of people. So, it is reasonable to entrust the task to select the range of qualified voters to the legislature, in making an optimal reaction to exogenous changes immediately. On the other hand, because people in the legislative stage have two different incentives to reduce the range of qualified voters, and to choose specific attributes as criteria to be given voting rights, it is necessary to protect other people from them. The condition that such a protection is given could be thought along Muellers theory.

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On July 26, 1917, the joint order of the Departments of State and Labor required all non-Americans wanting to enter the United States to hold a visa issued by a U.S. consular official—to clarify their purpose of visit to the United States, and to verify their identity, by presenting a government-issued certificate of identity, typically a passport. Neither the Armistice nor the Treaty of Versailles terminated the visa obligation imposed on foreigners at the U.S. border. On his way back from the Paris Peace Conference, Woodrow Wilson urged the postwar continuation of the visa system.

This article highlights the Wilsonian assumption embedded in the U.S. visa system. Woodrow Wilson understood the power of state-based documentation and nation-based identification. Persons without a government-issued certificate of identity found themselves anomalous in the post-WWI world. The U.S. visa system, never removed from the U.S. border since its wartime installation, has made it extremely difficult for undocumented persons to enter the United States lawfully.

The wartime introduction and postwar continuation of the visa system marked critical developments in the history of U.S. immigration and foreign policy. From the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century, the U.S. government built the national apparatus of immigration control. At the U.S. border, immigrant inspectors came to adopt a standard method for identifying foreign individuals, classifying them into different categories, and organizing information as to their admission or rejection. Over time, the list of criteria that was being used for immigrant inspection became longer, including age, sex, family, race, health, and occupational status. Meanwhile, some advocates of immigration restriction demanded the introduction of pre-departure inspection of intending immigrants. However, there was almost no discussion in Congress about passport and visa requirements before the United States joined WWI. From 1917 to 1919, the visa system was designed and implemented by the Wilson administration to safeguard the American nation against its enemies—Germans during WWI and Bolsheviks and other radicals after WWI. In favor of its postwar continuation, Wilson noted that it would also prevent the admission of persons undesirable because of their “origin and affiliations,” hinting its usefulness for immigration restriction. With the establishment of the Emergency Quota Act of 1921, the visa system became a tool for the U.S. government to limit the entry of non-Americans primarily based on their “origin and affiliations.” In the early 1920s, U.S. visa regulations quickly developed into one of the most stringent of their kind in the world.

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The Constitution of the United States of America is the oldest among the ones in the modern ages as has been continuously inured to the present. One of the characteristics of the American political culture is the principle of “the rule of law,” which is thought to be the synonymy of democracy. Among others, the U.S. Supreme Court, as the ultimate referee of the meaning of the constitution and the last defender of the equal protection under the law, has changed its interpretations of the constitution. The U.S. Constitution itself has also changed its essential meanings by adding amendments, whose total number is twenty-seven so far. Especially, the Supreme Court’s decisions and the constitutional amendments concerning the “race” have dramatically influenced the American society in general. In this article, focuses are particularly put on the decisions on the following three fields, that is, slavery and the civil rights, school and residential integration, and the voting rights. The author is interested in, for instance, the following questions. Why and how could the original republic, successful in being independent based on the universal natural rights, justified the continuous existence of hereditary slavery strictly based on the “one-drop rule”? Why did the Jim Crow, the legalized segregation based on “race” authorized by the local laws in the South, was recognized by the Supreme Court after the establishment of the 14th and 15th Amendments? Why and on what logics did the Supreme Court justices apparently change their original mind of the Brown decision and was they determined to lead the American society back to the days of Jim Crow?

Chapter 1 deals with the relationship between the Supreme Court and the slavery and its aftermath. Focuses are put on the following three decisions: Dred Scott and Sandford(1857), which resulted in the Civil War and three constitutional amendments; the Civil Rights cases(1883), which declared the fatal limitation to the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments; and Pressey v. Ferguson(1896), which gave the national sanction to Jim Crow in the South.

Chapter 2 deals with the Supreme Court decisions concerning the integration of the school and the residence, one of the most controversial issues since the epoch-making Brown was delivered by all the nine justices unanimously in 1954. The case mainly picked up in this section is Alexander v. Holmes County Board of Education which declared “integration now” in 1969.

Chapter 3 deals with the Supreme Court decisions in the field of the voting rights. Although the Voting Rights Act of 1965, one of the two positive results of the Civil Rights Movement led by Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., brought about a tremendous change to the politics not only in the South but also in the American society in general, the Supreme Court, by a 5–4 narrow margin, undermined it by Shelby County v. Holder in 2013. Shelby decision has been the target of severe criticisms by a lot of lawyers and law school professors who have long been engaged in the civil rights issues. Obviously, it was the first example among the Supreme Court decisions that leads to the nation backward with regards to the civil rights. Shelby has no doubt helped the birth of the Trump administration and deepened the conspicuous political cleavage of the present-day American Society.

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