This paper aims to describe a kind of relations between Germans and immigrants in the 1990s in the case of a ghetto community in a German city. In general, the situation of immigrants from Third World countries, including Turkey, became severer after the German unification in 1990. This was the case at Bruckhausen in Duisburg as well.
The present author describes the situation of the locality on the basis of interviews with local people who are in the position to be able to grasp the relations between Germans and immigrants. Relevant documents and local newspapers were also used. The main interviewees are a pastor, a schoolmaster and a social worker of Turkish origin. All these informants communicate with Turkish immigrants as well as Germans every day.
It is evident from this paper that Germans and immigrants from different origins do not live together in this locality, but that they live side by side with no interests in their neighbors and sometimes with prejudice, antipathy and even hostility against each other. This atmosphere has been created over the last over twenty years in the local milieu, as the present author has demonstrated previously, and it was strengthened by the enhancement of German nationalism after 1990.
We should, however, pay attention to the fact that some local people and the local government have endeavored to construct communication channels between the majority at the locality, namely Turkish people, and minorities, namely the other immigrants and Germans. We can see some successful examples of communication enhancement. Nevertheless, the dominant atmosphere of living side by side rather than living together remains.

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The development of Turkish nationalism was one of the prominent phenomena in the Young Turk Era (1908-1918). The Türk Yurdu (Turkish Homeland) was a leading nationalist periodical in the era. Studies on this periodical carried out until now, however, show a serious deficiency; they cannot perceive the difference between the thoughts of two groups who co-operated in publishing the periodical: Ottoman Turks and immigrants from Russia. The latter directed nationalist movements to free themselves from czarist rule prior to their emigration to the Ottoman Empire. Accordingly, Pan-Turkism was a dominant characteristic of their thought. Ottoman Turkish nationalists who issued the Genç Kalernler (Young Pens) and contributed to the Türk Dernegi (Turkish Association) before publishing the Türk Yurdu advocated, in these periodicals, political integration of the Ottoman state, which was denied by Yusuf Akçura, an immigrant, in his 1904 article “Üç Tarz-i Siyaset” (Three Ways of Policy). In this paper, I make a comparison among the articles of these groups.
The Türk Yurdu was founded owing to the initiative of the immigrants and Turks under czarist rule. The management was taken by them as well, especially by Akçura. A half of the informations collected in Turkish Affairs (Türklük Süunu) columns of the periodical was concerned with Turks under Russian and Chinese rules. A half of the newspapers whose articles were reproduced in the Press (Matbuat) columns also was published in Russian Empire although numbers of immigrant contributors were not so high. They definitely advocated Pan-Turkism, or national integration of Turks, and rejected the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Ottomanism.
The most urgent problem for Ottoman Turkish nationalists was preserving the political integration of the Ottoman Empire even after the Balkan Wars. Consequently they supported the centralistic Ottomanism. Ziya Gökalp and Fuad Köprülü, for example, emphasized that Turkish nationalism was required for strengthening the integration of the Ottoman state. Moreover, Gökalp regarded Pan-Turkism as an aid for the Ottoman state (Osmanlilik).

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The 'Abbasid rule had been declining since the tenth century. This decline meant the beginning of the period of the rule by army corps in the Islamic world. In this period, it is the Ziyarids that had wielded power in the remote highlands of Daylam at the south-western corner of the Caspian Sea in 319-489/931-1090.
The preceding studies which specially dealt with the Ziyarids followed their whole activity. But it is not enough to only study the special features and historical position of the Ziyarids' army in Mardawij's period in Islamic history.
In this paper, the author tries to investigate the military organization of the Ziyarids in Mardawij's period and the special features of this army.
As a result of studying this army, the author made clear the following points:
(1) The military of the Ziyarids in Mardawij's period consisted of two kinds of military groups, that is, (1) Daylamites-Gilites and (2) Turks.
(2) In the case of the first group, the soldiers were of the ex-Asfar's soldiers, the Daylamites and Gilites who came to Mardawij after the death of Asfar, and the ex-Makin's soldiers. In the case of the second group, the soldiers were of the Amirs' soldiers and the his bodyguards.
(3) In this army, the military group of Daylamites-Gilites was more active than that of the Turks.
(4) The number of people in the army was around 40, 000-50, 000.
We can see that the military of the Ziyarids in Mardawij's period showed two kinds of features: first, this army was the great armed forces of western Iran and second, a rapid militarization of Daylamites-Gilites occurred in the first half of tenth century.

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The conflict between the Byzantine Empire and the West in the twelfth century has been one of the most important themes in Byzantine history. Some papers have even hinted that the Byzantines, including the Byzantine historian Nicetas Choniates, preferred the Muslims as neighbors to the Cathoric Westerners. Previous papers have generally argued that Choniates, who wrote his History from 1185 to 1207, testified to this conflict when he criticizes the Westerners who conquered Constantinople in 1204.
A survey of his use of expressions with γενος, εθνος and βαρβαρος, however, shows that he valued the Westerners most highly among the various peoples around the Empire. While the Byzantines are always referred to as γενος (=people), the Turks as the Muslims most known to the Byzantines at that time are always referred to as βαρβαρος (=barbarian). The peoples in the Balkan Peninsula play only relatively negligible roles in his book. The Westerners are sometimes referred to as γενος who had friendly relationships (=øιλος, øιλιος and øιλια) with the Byzantines, although they are also sometimes referred to as βαρβαρος when they used crude violence to-wards the Byzantines. These facts indicate that Choniates distinguished between the Westerners and the other peoples around the Empire and that he had a prejudice against the Turks.
In short, the History should not be interpreted in light of the conflict between the West and the Byzantine Empire. It is true that Choniates blamed the Westerners for their cruel conquest, but in comparison with his view of the Turks, it can still be argued that he speaks for the pro-Western Byzantines who regarded the friendships with the Western countries as the vital means of saving their Empire.

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ドイツのトルコ系イスラーム団体は、はじめムスリムたちの信仰や文化の結節点として、また、その可視化の母体として注目されてきたが、その存在に表立って社会的な意味が付与されることは少なかった。しかし、ドイツ社会の変化に伴って、一定の社会的役割を担おうとする状況が見られるようになった。本報告では、あるトルコ系イスラーム団体のモスク建設計画に見られる、イスラーム団体の社会的性質の変化を検討する。

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The purpose of this research was to explore the interpersonal behavioral difficulties of Japanese people in Turkey when interacting with Turkish people. Eighteen Japanese nationals residing in Turkey participated in a series of semi-structured interviews. Their experiences and difficulties were then analyzed using the KJ Method. Results indicate they experienced difficulties related to their relationships with Indonesian Muslims based on dissimilar cultural norms in the host country. Upon further analysis, these difficulties were divided into four major categories. The first involved difficulties with “frank self-expression” and comprised the following five subcategories: different interpretations of individual private space, the distance of close relationships, open self-expression, positive affirmations, and the dearth of topics of similar interest. The second category involved “behaviors such as manners or common sense” that were divided into the following four subcategories: the leniency of order observance, disparate social conventions, interpersonal hierarchical order, and greeting styles. The third category of difficulties included “religious norms” that were divided into three subcategories: to communication using religious values, uncertainty about local religious practices, and religious discourse. The fourth category involved “relationships with people” and comprised two subcategories: the strength of family connections and relationships with those of the opposite gender. Results from this research indicate there are several conspicuous areas concerning Japanese and Turkish interaction where coping strategies are in dire need. Future studies should explore methods to improve specific social skills in order to overcome these difficulties, as well as foster the development of intercultural learning materials for Japanese people living abroad to facilitate their cultural assimilation.

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　It is common knowledge that Muslims living in the south-eastern part of Caucasus, now the Republic of Azerbaijan, were referred to as 'Tatars' without a clear distinction from other Turkic groups under the rule of the Russian Empire. These Muslims were also called 'Turkish people' (Turks) or Caucasian Muslims. In the latter part of the 19th century and during the early 20th century, a feeling of nationalism emerged among them and they began calling themselves 'Azerbaijanis'. However, no study clearly explains the reason they claim to be Azerbaijanis.
　The author scrutinised manuscripts, printed books, journals and newspapers written in several languages and discovered that 'Azerbaijan', the name of the nation, is not directly derived from the name of a geographical location, but from the name of a language. Around 1840, Kazem-bek, a professor at Kazan University, named the language spoken by Muslims in the South Caucasus as 'Azerbaijani Turkish'. Muslim intellectuals who lived in Tiflis, the centre of the South Caucasus in the 19th century, adopted the language name in the 1880s, following which they considered 'people who speak Azerbaijani Turkish' as a single nation called 'Azerbaijani'. The name of this nation initially appeared in the 115th issue of the literary journal Keshkul (Dervish Bowl), published in Tiflis on 16 November, 1890.
　Two major reasons for why Muslim intellectuals in Tiflis called themselves Azerbaijanis instead of Tatars, Turkish people and Caucasian Muslims are as follows : First, they wanted to avoid a name based on a religious belief, such as 'Muslim', because they thought that a nation must not be defined by its religion, but by its culture, customs and language. Second, they considered their culture, customs and language to be different from those of the Tatars in the Volga region and Crimean Peninsula, or Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire.

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En el Viaje de Turquía, diálogo anónimo del siglo XVI, encontramos dos visiones distintas del Imperio Otomano, una positiva y otra negativa.
Por medio de Pedro de Urdemalas, ex cautivo de Estambul e interlocutor principal en dicho diálogo, el autor alaba algunas características del Imperio Otomano en contraposición con la sociedad española de la época; valora muy positivamente la devoción y laboriosidad de los turcos; tiene una elevada estimación por la eficacia de su justicia y de su ejército; y además, habla a favor de la política de tolerancia religiosa y sistema de movilidad social de Turquía. Por momentos, los audaces alcances de esta visión laudatoria del Imperio Otomano son sorprendentes.
Pero por otro lado la obra abunda en descalificaciones acerca de los turcos, y en los estereotipos antimusulmanes más comunes de la época: su religión-el Islam-es falsa y terrenal; su moral sexual es materia de corrupción; los otomanos no son continuadores, sino destructores, de la civilización bizantina; el nivel de sus letras y de sus ciencias- sobre todo en el ámbito de la medicina-es deplorable.
Estas aparentes contradicciones en la imagen que el autor nos presenta sobre la sociedad turca tienen su explicacián: para él, al igual que para muchos contemporáneos, el Imperio Otomano es el enemigo religioso irreconciliable de la cristiandad. Partiendo de esta premisa, el Viaje de Turquía subraya los defectos de los turcos para justificar la guerra contra ellos, y al mismo tiempo elogia sus virtudes para demostrar al lector lo que falta a España para vencer al enemigo.

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ドイツの中で,デュースブルクは,外国人の空間的セグリゲーション度が高い都市の一つに属する.この都市の中でアルト・ブルックハウゼンは,外国人とりわけの集中度がひときわ高い街区である.本稿の目的は,このような街区形成の要因を,都市計画の失敗に求め,外国人集中の初期過程を復元することにある.責任ある主体による街区の将来像が提示されないまま,街区取壊しへの不安が, 1970年代前半に住民の間に広まった.そのため,住宅家屋所有者は住宅の質の維持のための投資を怠るようになった.不在家主の中には,老朽家屋を外国人労働者用の寄宿寮として利用した場合もある.この街区最大の住宅所有者たる企業も,住民によって投機的とみられるような賃貸行動をとった.そのため,スラム化が進行していた街区で外国人ゲットー化が進行した.街区のこのような変容は,地域に特有の権力構造のもとでの主体間の社会的相互作用によって帰結したものである.もちろん,より大きな社会経済構造がそれに関与していた.

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The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was established in 1889 by Ibrahim Temo and his classmates at the Army Medical School in Istanbul to restore the 1876 Constitution, which had been suspended by Sultan Abdul Hamid II since 1878. However, under the suppression of the Sultan, CUP leaders took exile to Europe. The founder, Ibrahim Temo, moved to Constanza, Rumania.
The Osmanli Committee of Liberty, another Constitution-supporting organization established in Selanik in 1906, accepted a mission of the CUP in Paris, which was then under the leadership of Ahmet Riza, and changed its own name to CUP Selanik in the same year.
In 1908 Niyazi, a member of CUP Manastir, another CUP local, which had separated from CUP Selanik, started the rising for the revival of the Constitution that marked the beginning of the Young Turks Revolution.
After the 1908 uprising, the CUP Selanik leaders—Talat, Cemal, and Enver—in their attempt to gain recognized positions in the traditional regime, approached older statesmen in the Osmanli government. It was in accordance with this strategy that they decided to eliminate other CUP members, even its founder Ibrahim Temo, so to make CUP Selanik the only authoritative center of the CUP. As a result, Ibrahim Temo, who played a crucial role at the initial stage of the Young Turks Revolution, lost his power base in Ottoman Empire politics and later became a Senator in Rumania.

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Semseddin Sami, a famous journalist and philologist, is recognized as one of the nationalist intellectuals in the modern period of the Ottoman Empire. His activities and ideas are specified by two kinds of national consciousnesses; The one is Albanian identity, the other is Turkish identity.
Originally he was an Albanian, born in Frasheri (now the town in Greece) in 1850, and so he was influenced by the Albanian movements for autonomy under the Ottoman rule.
He started to develop his ideas of nation (kavim) after the Russo-Turkish war and the Berlin Treaty in 1878. By this treaty, the Albanian people's areas under the Ottoman rule were pressured to be divided by the surrounding Balkan states—Serbia, Montenegro and Greece, thereby he found it necessary to save the weakened Ottoman Empire from the foreign intrusions and then intended to awaken the national consciousnesses among the Ottoman peoples. From this point, we can say that his idea is a sort of Ottomanism.
After finishing the high school, he came up to Istanbul and there he continued to undertake the editorial works of various periodicals, including the weekly newspaper Hafta publised in 1881. He gave a great importance to these jounalistic activities in order to enlighten the peoples and then to inform them of the knowledges of the progressive Western civilisation, especially those of modern technology that could save the deceased Ottoman Empire.
In Hafta he maintained that each people (ethnic groupes), having their own languages, could become kavim (nation) within the Empire, and could have the political and cultural equality in the Ottoman nationality. He did not give more superiority to the Ottoman Turkish people (language) than to any other peoples (languages) in the Empire. He thought that the cultural development of each kavim by their own written languages would bring political and social stability to the Ottoman Empire. But unfortunately Sami's Ottomanism was not generally accepted by the intellectual elites of that period.

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