The burgus(Lat.)=bourg(Fr.)mentioned frequently in medieval texts of northwest France was a new settlement grafted in a nucleus of the existing one. The diversity of its from does not permit us to qualify it globally as either urban or rural. The term burgensis=bourgeois appeared originally in the meaning of inhabitant of this new wettlement. In recent years, bourg and bourgeois have been studied from the point of view of feudal development. In Normandy, there developed a tenure called burgagium=bourgage, which, generally thought to be an indicator of bourg/bourgeois, gave rise to L.Musset's skillful formula of the inseparable trinity of burgus/burgensis/burgagium. Nevertheless, two facts oblige us to reconsider this view. First, the earliest mention of burgagium is dated a century later than that of burgus/burgensis. Secondly, the propagation of bourgage was limited to Normandy. Beyond the Channel, the burgus=borough in the contemporary English texts is a settlement generally more urban than the French bourg. Here also, it has often been said that the burgagium=burgage was a tenure peculiar to borough. However, the earliest mention of burgagium concerns settlements not qualified as burgus. Moreover, it is very interesting that the appearance of burgagium in English documents was slightly earlier than in Normandy. This study is founded on a criticism of the rather loose conventional methodology, which tends to regard all tenures somewhat privileged as bourgage/burgage. To this end, the author attempts to trace the appearance and the diffusion of bourgage/burgage, by relying exclusively on the term burgagium in the documentation. Considering Normandy and England at the same time, her findings confirm for tboth regions a substantial discordance between the geographical or chronological distribution of the burgagium and of burgus/burgensis. The term burgagium was created first in northeast England, during the period of the systematic settlement of Normans under colonisation into this frontier area. It designated globally privileges that the inhabitants in the old great boroughs had progressively obtained. The intention was to grant them to recent settlements which needed immigrants ; the burgagium served as a device to attract new inhabitants. In the following stage, the burgagium was introduced into Normandy ; it was applied not to the great towns from the early Middle Ages, but to developing settlements, like in Ingland. In addition, the propagation of burgagium in both the regions can be interpreted as a phenomenon indicating the integration of social structure in the "Anglo-Norman Realm."

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社会施設が学校対象プログラムを開発する際に考慮すべき観点を明らかにするために、英国のFSC(Field Studies Council)の学校対象プログラムを事例として検討した。その結果、(1)社会施設における活動が、学校教科においてはどの学習事項に関わるのかを明確にする、(2)生徒が主体的に学習する態度を身につけられる学習の進め方を取り入れる、(3)教育スタッフ・生徒・教師の誰が主導となって学習活動を展開するかを考える、が観点として抽出された。

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本稿は、コモン·ロー成立期の国王裁判所における裁判官の活動について、残存する最終和解文書 (final concords)、訴訟記録集 (plea rolls)、ロー·レポーツ (law reports) 等の史料の意義と限界を明らかにしつつ、史料的に何が判明し、また何が不明であるかを検討したものである。主要な論点は以下の通りである。①個々の裁判官は、必ずしも全開廷期間を通して任命された裁判所に実際にいたとは限らない。②複数の裁判官によって構成される裁判所においては、いくつかの裁判官集団の間で業務の分担がなされており、また年長の書記が補助的業務を行なっていた。さらに、困難な事件の場合には、他の国王裁判所から仲間の応援を求めることもあった。③訴訟手続の進行においては、裁判官ではなくむしろ訴訟当事者が主導権を握る場合もあった。④訴答段階において、裁判官が真摯な取組をし、あるいは積極的に訴訟指揮をしていた例が存在する。⑤陪審に対する予備的な説示あるいは評決後の陪審に対する質問からは、証明段階（陪審審理）においても裁判官が積極的な役割を演じていたことが判明する。⑥最終判決は単独裁判官によって下されているが、それに先立って裁判官仲間の間で非公式な協議がどの程度行なわれていたかは不明である。⑦法廷用語であるロー·フレンチの使用はおそらくヘンリ二世期まで遡る。⑧ラテン語で書かれた正式の記録である訴訟記録集は、個々の裁判官ごとに作成されていた。⑨裁判官が当事者間での紛争の平和的解決（和解）に向けて努力している例が存在する。⑩裁判官は、法教育においても一定の役割を演じており、また立法に関与する場合もあった。

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The origins of capitalis justitiarius, the chief justiciar, who had the status of the head of the royal administration and the king's deputy in medieval England, still remain obscure, leaving a mystery to be explained. About one hundred years ago, W.Stubbs thought that the office went back to the reign of William the Conqueror. Rejecting Stubbs' view, H.G.Richardson and G.O.Sayles maintain that Roger of Salisbury was the first holder of the office and lend a crucial importance to the administrative developments under King Henry I.D.Bates says that it came into existence in 1170s as the result of combination of two functions: the head of the royal administration and the regent. The author accepts Richardson and Sayles' conclusion that Roger of Salisbury was capitalis justitiarius and, simultaneously, agrees with Bates' view that the office was established under King Henry II. Henry of Huntingdon and Other chroniclers did not call Roger of Salisbury capitalis justitiarius, but rather justitiarius totius Angliae. Though Richardson and Sayles argue that justitiarius totius Angliae, whose functions were not confined to any one country, should be distinguished from capitalis justitiarius, the author's opinion is that justitiarius totius Angliae was the same office as capitalis justitiarius under the Norman kings. Roger of Howden, in the later twelfth century, described Ranulf de Glanville, the great justiciar under King Henry II, as summus justitiarius totius Angliae. Moreover, if Roger of Salisbury had the two different titles and capitalis justitiarius was the superior of the two, it is difficult to understand why chroniclers called Roger of Salisbury justitiarius totius Angliae only. The author holds that Roger of Salisbury was certainly the head of Henry I's government, not because he was capitalis justitiarius, but because he was especially trusted by the king and was given a great deal of authority to which no title was attached. Capitalis justitiarius was neither the head of the royal administration nor the regent under the Norman kings. When Henry II became king after the civil wars of Stephen's reign in 1154, the two kings agreed, as two chroniclers reported, that those who had been dispossessed or disinherited should be restored to their own. To pacify the country and to settle disputes among lords and tenants, Henry II and his advisers developed the writ of right and the assize of novel disseisin and, pursuing legal reforms, expanded royal jurisdiction. Under the circumstances in which the functions of justitiarii regis became more and more important, capitalis justitiarius obtained a status of the head of royal administration and the king's deputy during the reign of Henry II.

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How did feudal lords hold markets in medieval England? To answer this question, we investigate Royal Charters, which permitted the lords to hold markets, and other documents which show how the markets were held in fact-Hundred Rolls, Inquest Post Mortem and Placita de Quo Warranto. Yonekawa assumed that almost all markets held in fact were written in Royal Charters. But there were many informal markets, which were held without Charters. And, in the point of view of their manorial size and their other privileges, certainly, many lords who had the rights to hold markets were very major, but, some minor lords also had the rights. And these major and minor lords were willing to hold and maintain their markets. Firstly, they organized markets from prototype trade (ex. Sunday churchyard trade) with fixing market day, inspecting weight and measure, assizing of bread and ale, keeping peace and dealing with troubles of indebtness. Secondly, the lords often suppressed neighboring markets for their own markets. They supposed that neighboring markets would be harmful to their markets if they were held in 5 or 6 miles. So, not only boroughs but also the lords who held rural markets suppressed neighboring rural markets. But many markets, which lords were willing to hold with Royal Charters, decayed, because sellers and buyers didn't come to the markets. So, to gather many people to their markets, the lords got other Royal Charters for changing market days, excusing market tolls as well as suppressing neighboring markets. It shows these lords' effort to hold and maintain their markets that many Royal Charters dealing with markets were issued from 13th to the beginning of 14th century.

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Seventeenth-century England saw the growh of provincial towns. This article examines the economic development of one of the provincial capitals, Norwich. It focuses on the occupational structure of the city and on the connection between the city and other towns as well as its hinterland. The occupational stucture of the city which appears in the freemen register of the city sugests that throughout the seventeenth century the urban economy was becoming specialized in the worsted industry. The flourishing of the worsted industry was attributed to the function of the city as the centre of the Norfolk worsted industry: the organization of spinners by town wool combers who were putters-out, the tendency of the weaving process to centre on the city from its hinterland, and the monopoly of the finishing process by town finishers, all of which made the city the core of the organization of the Norfolk worsted industry. This tendency to specilize in one industry did not exclude other economic functions of the city. The basic industries such as food and drink, clothing and building trades gave considerable employment to the townsmen. The city was also the centre of intra-and inter-local trade. The development of the commercial function was based on the development of the social division of labour in the economic hinterland of the city. The pre-industrial urban economies have often been characterized by their unspecialized nature. It is true, but, compared with other commercial towns like York of which the growth of the population was stable, the tendency to specialize in the worsted industry must have made possible the urban growth as that of Norwich. Therefore, the tendency to specialize was important in pre-industrial urban economies which encouraged urban grwth and alsointegrated the regional economy into the national economy.

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