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  • 前園 敏郎, 高橋 良治
    鋳物
    1987年 59 巻 4 号 199-204
    発行日: 1987/04/25
    公開日: 2015/01/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 頃安 貞利
    鋳造工学
    2009年 81 巻 8 号 377-383
    発行日: 2009/08/25
    公開日: 2014/08/12
    ジャーナル フリー
      In the expandable pattern casting (EPC) process, molten metal is poured into the cavity by the thermal decomposition of the expandable polystyrene pattern (EPS). Decomposition gas escapes into the dry sand through the coat layer, making the mold filling mechanism in the EPC process very complicated. In the present study, a simple simulation of the mold filling of molten aluminum alloy in the EPC process was carried out, considering the thermal decomposition of EPS pattern and discharge of decomposition gas through the coat. When there was no reduced pressure in the flask, the thickness of thermal decomposition gas layer decreased with increasing the coat permeability, but the effect on the melt velocity was not so significant. Under reduced pressure, the thickness of the gas layer was smaller and the melt velocity was lager than the case without reduced pressure, and the effect of coat permeability on the melt velocity was remarkable. The analytical values of the filling time of molten aluminum alloy were compared with the experimental values using the plate EPS pattern and were in relatively good agreement with the experimental values.
  • 大林 太良
    民族學研究
    1981年 45 巻 4 号 387-389
    発行日: 1981/03/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大川 貢, 若菜 弘充
    情報通信研究機構研究報告
    1987年 33 巻 166 号 21-27
    発行日: 1987年
    公開日: 2019/11/28
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 高瀬 秀樹, 信田 幸敏, 高田 洋吾, 脇坂 知行
    自動車技術会論文集
    2010年 41 巻 5 号 1083-1088
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    直接噴射式ディーゼル機関におけるSoot排出量を数値予測するために,Golovitchevらの軽油相当燃料素反応スキームと,Soot再燃焼に対するNagleらの酸化モデルをGTT-CHEMコードに組み込んだ.反応速度係数を適切化した結果,3次元化学動力学計算によりSoot排出量の実験結果をほぼ再現することができた.
  • 石川 弘義
    新聞学評論
    1986年 35 巻 142-155,288-28
    発行日: 1986/04/30
    公開日: 2017/10/06
    ジャーナル フリー
    Japanese radio programs have long been in a trial and error situation in their struggle to compete with TV programs. In this process the "midnight broadcasting" programs are one of the most radio-like in nature and nowadays a set format has been established for them. Nevertheless, various experiments still are being tried by each of the radio stations concerning what content should be broadcast at night and during the midnight hours. For example, the audience rating chart shows us that JOJF(Nippon Hoso) is widely listened to by the so-called "young" generation, and that JOKRS(Tokyo Hoso) focuses on the "young adult" generation. These experiments, however, have not necessarily offered a steady barometer for success. Among the current hot programs is "Young Paradise, " a talk show broadcast at midnight during the week whose DJ (called 'personality' in Japan) is actor Yuji Miyake. This program presently is receiving a high audience rating. According to Mr.Akinori Inaba, the organizing director of Nippon Hoso, the secret of "Young Paradise's" success is "to permit the DJ to talk freely and 'play' in the program and to show various points of view about the kind of information that young listeners wanted to know." In short, an all-out playful spirit seems to make "Young Paradise" successful. But in fact, it's success is due to the elaborated efforts in planning by the professionals of radio program organization and production. Here we can find the characteristics of modern radio journalism for young listeners. About ten years or so ago the style of radio programs was quite different from what it is today. A good example is JOKR's "Puck in Music." This too was a talk show featuring DJ's, but many of the topics treated on the program were serious ones such as, "war experience", "worries about school life and exams", "love" and "lust", and so on. But programs of this nature ended with the new way of life which began around 1982 and which shows a preference for keihaku-tansho, the "not heavy, the light." And the older type of program was taken over by omoshiro-syugi, the "happy-go-lucky" orientation outlined above. In order to consider the characteristics of modern radio journalism it is unrealistic to deny this "happy-go-lucky" line. But in the author's opinion, it also may be a chance to show the ability of radio journalism to produce some programs that treat in some way the young listener's views of the world, their dissatisfactions and hopes, etc., which can be found in the depth of their minds or their social psychology.
  • ―『入木道伝書目録』と田安徳川家旧蔵の資料群との対比を中心として―
    金子 馨
    書学書道史研究
    2018年 2018 巻 28 号 43-56,103-102
    発行日: 2018/10/31
    公開日: 2019/03/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    The Sesonji-ke, who traditionally served as clerks of the Imperial Court, are recognized as a family of nosho. The style of calligraphy from the founder Yukinari Fujiwara to the 17th and last head Yukisue, is recognized as Sesonji-ryu. Before passing it down to other schools such as Jimyoin-ryu and Shorenin-ryu, successive heads of Sesonji-ke had left a number of Jubokudo Denshos as kakis. Among them, Yakaku Teikinsho by the 6th head Koreyuki and Saiyosho, a kuden of Norinaga Fujiwara written by the 7th head Koretsune, are well known. A list of these denshos is included in Jubokudo Densho Mokuroku written by Tadaaki Mori.

      Tadaaki Mori served the Edo bakufu as a yuhitsu and wrote many books on calligraphy, including Shodokun. Jubokudo Densho Mokuroku, in which Tadaaki sorted the “hishos” of Jubokudo that his great-great-grandfather Noriaki had handed down from Motosada Jimyoin, listed the titles of 124 Jimyoin-ke denshos and 47 Sesonji-ke denshos. Though many of these denshos are believed to be lost, a certain number of them have been preserved as Kokubungaku Kenkyushiryokan Denpanbunko (old Tayasu Tokugawa-ke documents). While these documents are transcribed versions made during and after the mid-Edo period, many of their titles are identical to those listed in the Mokuroku, making it possible to obtain details of the written instruction material of the time. However, the titles listed in Jubokudo Densho Mokuroku are somewhat confusing and include duplications. For this reason, the author sorts and categorizes the contents before comparing them with relevant material existing in various places in order to uncover the changes in contents of instructions. At the same time, since the Mokuroku is included in Nihonshogaen, edited by Kokushokankokai, which allows for correction of errors in transcription and typography as well, the Mokuroku has been reprinted with variorums.

  • 小口 雅史
    史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 6 号 1010-1040,1103-
    発行日: 1987/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Among the Ishiyama Shihai Monjo 石山紙背文書 (discarded legal documents and personal correspondence, on the backs of which were recorded diary entries and budgetary notes) located in the Shosoin 正倉院, a considerable number of items concerning eiden 営田 (paddy land management and control) in the 8th century can be found. In the past, the land holdings dealt with in these documents have been examined and interpreted as if they were part of Shoen 庄園 (landed proprietorships) held by the Todaiji 東大寺 temple. However, judging from the particular form in which these have been recorded and preserved, as well as the content of the documents themselves, it is possible to reach the conclusion that the lands involved were not under the control of Todaiji. Rather, they were in the private hands of a low ranking official, by the name of Ato-no-Otari (安都雄足). Although the eiden activities which are recorded in these documents occurred in the Tenpyou Houji (天平宝寺) Period, they provide a unique challenge, in that they require the historian to view them at two different levels : first, as delineating the relationship between Otari and the persons who managed his lands, and second, as describing the relationship between these managers and the cultivators of the lands. In examining the role of Otari himself, it is important to realize that the positions he held within the Ritsuryo 律令 system (1.Echizen-no-kuni shisho 越前国史生, a low ranking official in the Echizen Province, and 2.Zo-todaijishi sakan 造東大寺司主典, an official of fourth level rank in the bureau placed in charge of the construction and maintenace of the temple) were of considerable importance in the formation of the relationships that existed between the persons involved in the management of Otari's lands. Otari's official positions were intimately connected to the procurement and distribution of goods and services during this particular time in history, and he linked effectively his official functions with his private eiden activities. For example, concerning the relationship between Otari and his managers, the records show that Otari rationalized the means by which he paid and received income from these individuals, reducing the available means to coined money and shomai 春米 (hulled rice). Moreover, Otari had become acquainted with his managers through his position in the official bureaucracy. It is therefore evident that Otari's eiden activities, at the superstructural level, took place largely within the context of the Ritsuryo system institutional framework. On the other hand, when one examines the specific management forms found at the manager-cultivator level, one finds that the manager promoted local persons of prominence, and also developed procedures of direct management, land leasing (chinso 賃租), and seed rice lending (suiko 出挙), a variety of management methods not found in Todaiji-held shoen at this time. Otari also allowed his managers to avail themselves of these institutions in the earning of their own incomes, a practice which can be seen as a predecessor of the riso-fumyo 里倉負名 system (a percentage / unit of the yearly land tax yield taken in by the manager of an estate). These practices, too, differed from those found in the Todaiji-held shoen, which still preferred to depend solely on kokushi (provincial governers 国司) and gunji (local magistrates 郡司), as provided for in the Ritsuryo system tax collecting structure (a system of indirect control exercised through local leaders 在地首長制). Therefore, at the substructural level, one sees cases where economic relationships are not determined by the Ritsuryo system's mechanisms for the distribution of goods and services. These practices, however, extended only as far as being within the grasp of local persons of prominence. One must emphasize that they did not fall under the direct control of local society. In these documents, we see a clear manifestation of a situation peculiar to the 8th
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