従来、いわゆる「慶長日本図」と称されてきた国立国会図書館所蔵日本総図の慶長期成立は誤認であって、正しくは島原の乱直後の寛永15年（1638）に作成された日本総図の写であるという筆者の見解は現在では大方の認知を得たようである。幕府大目付の井上筑後守（政重）は寛永15年に日本総図の作成を理由に中国筋諸国に国絵図の提出を要請したことが明らかになっていた。しかし著者は日本総図を編集するのにどうして中国地方の国絵図のみでこと足りたのかが理解できなかった。ところがこの度新しく発見された南葵文庫所蔵の『日本全国図』によってその疑問が解消された。この『日本全国図』は寛永15年日本図の下図とみなされるが、この図では中国筋諸国に限って渡河方法の注記が著しく欠如している。幕府が島原の乱後に軍事的理由で作成した寛永15年日本図（国会図書館蔵日本総図）は街道筋の渡渉地点で舟渡りか歩渡りかといった渡河方法を注記するのが内容上の目立った特徴である。幕府は寛永15年日本図の編集に際して中国地方での渡河方法の情報を補う必要から中国筋諸国に限って国絵図の調進を要請したのである。

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Since the 1970's the concept of bui (武威 martial splendor/military might) has been discussed as one of the characteristics of Japan's foreign relations during the early modern period. In this essay, the author makes use of the results of this discussion and concentrates on the period between Kan'ei 15 (寛永 1638) and Manji 1 (万治 1658), or the latter part of the reign of Tokugawa Iemitsu and the first years of the reign of his son Tokugawa Ietsuna. He looks at Bakufu policy on foreign shipping, what this policy was meant to achieve, how it was structured, how the different domains (han 藩) charged with the surveillance of the coast of Japan put this policy into practice, and how this was done in Nagasaki under the direct supervision of the Bakufu. The results of his analysis are the following. Although the Bakufu during the latter part of Iemitsu's reign made sure everyone, both inside and outside Japan, know its uncompromising stance on Portuguese shipping to Japan, it left its final decision open on whether or not to allow foreign ships to come to Japan until such ships actually arrived. On the other hand, the domains along the coastline of japan competed with each other in setting up an early warning system able to spot foreign shipping as soon as it approached Japan. Against this background, the Bakufu was required to make a decision on each individual case of foreign ships coming to Japan or planning to come to Japan, and so resolve the different problems arising from the arrival of Dutch and other ships. Because the shogun was too young to make his own decisions during the first years of Iemitsu's reign, there was nothing that the Bakufu officials could do but continue the policy put in place during Iemitsu's reign. In this way, Japan's foreign policy lost its fluidity, and it gradually became clear that the matter had been settled. The issues to be settled in the Bakufu's policy on foreign shipping were 1) the management and control of Dutch trading factory ; 2) the manner in which negotiations with foreign ships were to be conducted at Nagasaki ; 3) hostilities between Portuguese ships and coast guards looking out for missionaries coming ashore ; and 4) the arrest of those missionaries who tried to come ashore surreptitiously. In response to these issues the structure of the Bakufu had to be changed, and from Kan'ei 18 (1641) onwards, the ometsuke (大目付) Inoue Masashige was given the post of Nagasaki Shioki (長崎仕置 discipinarian). During the first years of Iemitsu's reign Inoue's position as Nagasaki Shioki became less important within the structure of the Bakufu, and it was the Nagasaki-bugyo (長崎奉行) and the roju (老中) who became the prominent links in the chain of command.

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The purpose of this paper is twofold: one, to correct a misunderstanding about the Keicho Nihonzu, one of the Nihonsozu, or general maps of Japan, housed in the National Diet Library, and two, to compare and contrast compilation methods and contents of such Nihonsozu, which were compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate during the Edo Era.
Until now, it has been thought that the Nihonsozu were produced at four times, during the Keicho, Shoho, Genroku and Kyoho periods of the Edo Era, although the production of the Keicho map has been mere conjecture. It has been assumed to have been produced on the basis of a Kuniezu, or provincial map, compiled as a result of a 1605 government order. There is no record, however, to support this production. It is known that the existing Keicho Nihonzu was probably produced in the Kanei Period (1624-1643), however as a result of lack of knowledge of the compilation of Nihonsozu during the Kanei Period, it has been assumed to be an amended version of the original Keicho Nihonzu. The present work supplies evidence that the Nihonzu known as the Keicho Nihonzu and housed in the National Diet Library, is in fact the Kanei Nihonzu, and was produced by Masashige Inoue, a government officer, in the 16th year of Kanei (1639).
Comparison of the four Edo Nihonzu (Kanei Shoho, Genroku and Kyoho) reveals the following: 1) Since Nihonsozu were always compiled on the basis of Kuniezu, their accuracy depended upon how well the Kuniezu were compiled. 2) This method of extending the Kuniezu reached its practical limits during the Genroku Period. Thereafter, for the Kyoho Period, a new method, depending upon a rudimentary survey, was initiated. 3) The later maps are not necessarily more detailed, though they reflect the political state of affairs at the time of their production. 4) Drawing of the northern boundary islands, Ezochi (Hokkaido, Kuriles and Sakhalin) does not progress in detail over the four periods. Howewer the southern boundary Ryukyu Islands (Okinawa Prefecture) become more detailed and more accurate in the Genroku Nihonzu.

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This article examines according to what information and for what reasons Japan attempted to set up a system for capturing suspicious foreign ships shipwrecked in Korean waters and the manner in which Joseon, which accepted the arrangement, implemented those transfer requests and disposed of the ships, within the context of its relations with Qing China and Japan. After its prohibition of Christianity and in the aftermath of the Jesuit Infiltration Plots of 1642 and 43, Japan requested that in the case of any suspicious ships adrift in Korean waters, Joseon divert them to Japan House (J: Wakan/K: Waegwan 倭館) in Pusan for transfer to Japan. From testimony given by Jesuit missionaries apprehended in the Infiltration Plots, the Japanese authorities were cognizant of the possibility that more missionaries would launch similar attempts from Korean shores and were thus on the alert. In order to maintain friendly relations between the two countries, Joseon accepted Japan's request, replying that it would divert all suspicious vessels to Japan House. The ships of Ming Dynasty subjects were frequently cast adrift upon Korean shores, and in the midst of the transition from the Ming to the Qing Dynasty, Joseon as a tributary of Qing was obligated to return Ming subjects to the Qing authorities, which opened the possibility that those people would be executed upon their arrival in Qing China. Upon the shipwreck of a Ming vessel in 1644, Joseon, which was thankful to the Ming Dynasty for defending her from Japanese invasion and felt obligated to help Ming subjects, tried to save the survivors by sending them to Japan under the pretense that they were possible Christian adherents. Pleased with Joseon's response, Japan requested that any suspicious ships adrift in Korean waters would continue to be diverted to Japan House. However, when the next Ming shipwreck occurred, a Qing Dynasty envoy happened to be visting Joseon, making it, impossible to transfer survivors to Japan without drawing the attention of the Qing envoy. On that occasion Joseon King Injo decided to confer with the envoy about how to deal with Ming survivors. Although the consultation did not take place due to the surrender of the Ming subjects to Qing authorities, Qing Dynasty, wary of the military alliance formed between the Ming Dynasty and Japan, forbade Joseon from sending Ming subjects to Japan. At the same time, Joseon reported to the Qing Dynasty the fact of Japan's request for the diversion of suspicious ships, as well as the dispatch of Ming envoys to Japan in search of military assistance, emphasizing a Japanese threat to Qing security, all in the hope of gaining such concessions as exemptions from Qing-imposed rice and maritime corvee duties, the lifting of prohibitions on the building and repair of military fortifications and the resumption of army training. Although Joseon's plan was initially successful, upon the enthronement of Joseon King Hyojong, Qing China reprimanded Joseon for citing a Japanese threat as an excuse for remilitarization. Consequently, fearing the anger of Qing China, Joseon proceeded to return all shipwrecked Ming subjects (with some exceptions) to the Qing authorities. Nevertheless, the debate continued within Joseon on the strength of strong anti-Qing sentiment as to whether or not to send shipwrecked Ming subjects to Japan as suspected Christian adherents.

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Today, there exist two types of the Nihonsouzu (General maps of Japan) of the early Edo era which seem to have been compiled by the Edo Shogunate. For certain reasons, we refer to the kind stored at the Hasuike Library of the Saga Prefectural Library as Type A, and that at the National Diet Library as Type B. The latter has been well known from comparatively early times and explained over years as the general map of Japan being descended from the“Keicho Nihonzu”, which was originally drawn on the basis of the Keicho Kuniezu.
This author has previously insisted that the above mentioned, commonly accepted theory should be revised, and that this map ought to be called“Kanei Nihonzu”based on the fact that province figures of the Type B Nihonzu do not always coincide with those of several Keicho Kuniezu when compared. Furthermore, it has exceptionally detailed land name descriptions for the Shimabara Peninsula in Kyushu, and therefore it could have been produced after the Revolt of Shimabara. Though the author's view is generally accepted, there are some opposing views preventing it from reaching complete recognition. As to the other Type A Nihonzu, nothing decisive is known about its establishment, but the author assumes that Type A is older than Type B based on their figures and content. However some say that Type A is newer than Type B because it is superior in the forms of both the Tsugaru and Shimokita Peninsulas embracing Mutsu Bay located at the northern end of Japan.
Feeling responsible for having caused controversies over the Nihonsozu of the early Edo era, the author made a special presentation at the 1993 conference to clarify this problem, but failed to write any paper about it. However, later on, three other pieces of information related to the present problem were discovered; 1) another Type B Nihonzu, only one of which had been known to exist until then, was found to exist in the Ikedake Library at the Okayama University Annex Library and to have a list of Kokudaka (amounts of crop yield) in each province which were omitted in the map at the National Diet Library. Also the lord names shown with tags pasted on the castle locations were different from those on the map at the National Diet Library; 2) several maps of entire Kyushu which have exactly the same figures as the Kyushu part of Type A Nihonzu were found to exist; and 3) as the overall Kuniezu which had been offered by local patrolmen to the Shogunate in 1633 was confirmed to exist, it became necessary to compare it with the figures of both Type A and B Nihonzu. Under these circumstances, the author would like to clarify these considerations on the Nihonsozu of the early Edo era, while reporting the results of the studies carried out subsequently.
When the Kokudaka of various provinces on Type A and B are compared for each province, a difference between the two types is found in 15 out of 68 provinces nationwide. The overall tendency is that the Kokudaka indicated in Type B are larger than those in Type A. While the Kokudaka on Type A are exactly the same as those cited on the Keicho Kuniezu for both the existing Suo and Nagato provinces, there is a slight difference between the two for provinces like Hizen, Chikuzen, and Settsu. So far as this comparison goes, it comes to light that Type A is older than Type B.
While such places as Morioka in Mutsu and Shingu in Kii are illustrated as castle towns in both Type A and B Nihonzu, Marugame in Sanuki is not. The castles in Morioka and Shingu were built in 1633, whereas Marugame castle, which had been deserted, was reconstructed by Ieharu Yamazaki in 1641. Judging from this, it can be assumed that both Type A and B maps were drawn between 1633∼1641.

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