This paper shows that the Da Foding shoulengyan jing 大仏頂首楞厳経 and the Huayan jing in eighty volumes 八十華厳 in the Sixi canon 思渓蔵, are formatted in a special form, i.e. 15 characters per line, since they are based on the separately block-printed editions published by the Huayan Society 華厳結社 at Longxing Temple. The Longxing Temple （later renamed Dazhong Xiangfu Temple 大中祥符寺）, the base of the Huayan Society in Hangzhou, is known to have published and disseminated the Huayan jing in eighty volumes from the first year of Chunhua 淳化 （990） to the third year of Xianping 咸平 （1000） and the Da Foding shoulengyan jing in the Dazhong Xiangfu 大中祥符 period （1008-1016）. Although little known until now, the sūtras published by the Huayan Society of Longxing Temple had a significant impact not only on separately block-printed editions in civil society but also on the Sixi canon.

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During the Sung dynasty, salt was made from the water of sea, pond and well, among which "sea-salt" and "pond-salt" were particularly important in the amount produced. The "sea-salt" was produced along the seacoast from the Yangtze river to Canton, and that produced in the Liang che and Huai nan areas stands first on the list of its output and was colled "South-East Salt". This article is to make clear the method of making and marketing of it. Although boiling of the sea-water was common method of salt-making, the processing of it had local differences. For example, ash, instead of sand, was used in some area for being poured sea-water in order to raise its density. On the other hand, iron pans, instead of bamboo pans, were used in other area for boiling. As the result of such differences, the salt was different in color (white or light yellow) according to their area in which produced. Monopolized by the government, the salt had to be bought and stored by the government agency which was called "ting chang" or "chien". "Ting chong" was for selling to the merchant and was founded in many places according to its neccesity, but "chien" was set up on the location where the storing of salt was particularly needed to meet local scarecity. In the Liang che area, the salt bought and stored by the "ting chang" and "chien" was sold directly to the merchant for marketing. This fact shows that these government agencies played a role of connecting the producer ana the consumer. In the Huai nan area, on the contrary, the function of buying and selling was separated and different agencies took charge of them respectively. This means that the producer was more separated from the consumer than in the case of Liang che area. Such difference in the function of the government agencies in both areas explains the reason why : (1) illicit salt-making was popular in the Liang che area, (2) merchant producer were so active in the field of salt-making in the Liang che area in contrast to the government initiative in the industry under the strict monopoly system in the Huai nan area.

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筆者は、首都図書館編輯『太学文献大成』（一九九六年。北京・学苑出版社）に収められた『皇明太学志』の翻刻を試みている。巻十一の後半には祭酒ほか国子監官に就任した人物の一覧が記されており、一部を『人間と環境』電子版一五（二〇一八年三月）に掲載した。本稿は、それにつづく部分である。以下、黒塗りの文字は■、不明な文字は□、字数も不明な場合は……で示した。

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日本の禅宗寺院で伝統的に選定が行われてきた「境致」や、それに伴って詠まれた「十境詩」は、南宋五山制度を導入した時に中国禅宗文化の一つとして日本でも知られるようになったと考えられている。これまでに成された「境致」に関する先行研究でも、中国禅宗寺院の影響を受けて日本でも「境致」選定や「十境詩」作成が行われるようになったという解釈がされている。そこで本稿では中国で編集された地方誌『中國仏寺志彙刊』を史料とし、中国に於ける「境致」選定や「十境詩」の実態を調査・整理した。それにより、これまで漠然と中国禅宗寺院と考えられてきた「境致」選定の起源を、より明確にする事ができると考えた。その結果、日本で編纂された、『扶桑五山記』や『和漢禅刹次第』に記載されている「中国禅宗寺院の境致」とみなされている題が、中国で編纂された『中國佛寺志彙刊』の内容とは一致していないことが明らかになった。

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The Chinese consignors consisted of two type merchants in Sino-Japanese trade after the middle of the 18th century. One type was the official marchant (官商), and the other was the private merchant (民商). The former was designated by the Ch'ing goverment, and they were alternated one after another by the government. For example, their names were the Fan family (苑氏), the Wanu family (王氏), the Ch'ien family (銭氏) and the Wang family (王氏) and so on. The members of the Fan family who were designated by the government were Fan yu bin (茫毓〓), his second son Fan qing zhu (苑清注), his eldest son Fan qing hong (范清洪) and his nephew Fan qing ji (范清済). The Fan family had been recognized merchants of Ch'ing government since his grandfather's time. He was in trade of salt, ginsengs, copper and rice and so on. His grandfather and he made a fortune by transporting the munitions of Ch'ing's army for Ch'ing-Jun Ghar war. The latter which was designated by the Ch'ing government in 1714 consisted of twelve merchants. They were called "Ju-ni-ka (十二家)" in Japan, and in China they were named Gong-ju (公局) and E-shang (額商) and so on. They decreased in number into seven about 1780, but even after that in Japan they continued to be called "Ju-ni-ka". And after the 1790's the private consignor who was designated by the Ch'ing government was only one. In about 1780 their names were Shen yun shan (沈雲贍), Wang lu jie (王履階), Gao shan hui (高山輝), Wu you guang (呉有光), Yu kuai shi (兪会時), Yang yue huai (楊岳懐) and Wu ming luan (呉鳴鸞). Two of them, Wang lu jie and Gao shan hui, visited Nagasaki (長崎) in the Ch'ien-lung (乾隆) era. Evidently, Wang lu jie became the official merchant in 1796. Some of them settled in Soochow (蘇州). This was a cultural, political, and economic center in the Chiang-nan (江南). And this city was near Cha-p'u (乍浦) of Che chiang-sheng (浙江省), the central port of Sino-Japanese trade. Therefore, it was easy for them to collect cargos and put all trade goods on the market. And as they used their jin-ren (家人) or Ya-hang (牙行) of Cha-p'u in business transactions of the trade, the consignors could remain mere investors of trading capital. After the forces of T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo (太平天国) attacked Soochow and Cha-p'u in June 1860, the consignors could not maintain usual way of business and they had the misfortune to be ruined. And the Sino-Japanese trade ended in 1861.

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In this paper I describe the local salt monopoly system in south-eastern China (Chiang-huai 江淮) which accounted more than 70% of the total income of the salt monopoly tax, and intend to explain the cause of the success of the T'ang salt monopoly in relation to the location and function of local monopoly agencies. The period from 8th to 12th century A.D. was a major turning point in Chinese history. Large scale migration to south China, exploitaition of marginal areas, and development of commercial organization were characteristic features of the period. These changes were reflected in the state tax system. During this period, the T'ang direct tax was changed from the tsu-yung-tiao (租庸調) tax system to the liangshui (両税) tax system. With this reform of the old tax system, commercial indirect taxes appeared, and the salt monopoly tax emerged as the most important leyy which formed 50% of state tax income. The salt monopoly tax was mainly levied by local monopoly agencies (hsun-yuan 巡院, yen-chien 塩監 and yen-ch'ang 塩場) which were located in salt producting regions. The monopoly gained its income through a monopoly price. I would like to explain two reasons for the success of the salt monopoly by analyzing the salt monopoly price. The first is the location of the salt agencies. When the salt monopoly was in operation in 8th century in the Chiang-huai (江淮) region, this region was one of the most prosperous commercialized regions with a large population and a fertile land, developping money economy, and a wide range of water transport system. The main monopoly agencies were concentrated in this region. This is the reason why it was easy to establish and maintain a monopoly price which was to be a standard price in Chian-huai (江淮) expressed in copper coins. The second reason is the function of the salt agencies. Local salt agencies, located in the Chiang-huai (江淮) salt producting area, functioned as a government al wholesaler and controlled the distribution of salt. This was the reason why such a high salt mononoly price was able to be fixed. In short, monopoly price policy was able to be carried out because of the location and function of the government salt agencies.

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This paper is a case study describing the local lineages of the Jiang 江 village, She 歙 xian during the Ming and Qing periods. The points are following below. The Jiang lineages gained the advantage in this district socially and economically, and the people believed that the lineage's destiny was under the influence of geomancy, feng-shui 風水. From this point of view, the Jiang lineages and others tried to conserve the environment of the mountainous region against the move by the foreign settlers to develop minerals and commercial agriculture, on a backdrop of opposition arising due to continuing stratification among the lineage members. The festival organization called she-hui 社会, shen-hui 神会, si-nui 祀会, etc. was founded on a sublineage basis, including slaves, zhong-po 庄僕, in the Jiang village and Qing-yuan 慶源 village Wu-yuan 〓源. But the sublineages were not equal one another and the qualification to participate in the festival was limited according to social and economical differences. It's well known that the areas were the hometowns of Hui-Chou (Hsin-an) merchants. Segments of the Jiang lineages extended their business activities to the cities in Jiangnan, especially Yang-zhou 揚州, which was famous as a salt merchant center. But local lineages were not formed in Yang-zhou, rather the merchant segments based their relationships on the original lineages. This presented a precarious position for outside merchants. The connection with the hometown was a sort of insurance against the natural features of the region which would protect them and their descendants.

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This article deals with the nature and social relationship of "Bully Groups" (ta-hang 打行 and chiao-fu 脚夫) in prefecture, county, market cities and towns. Ta-hang as a group were controlled by a leader who employed their forces in private disputes, guarding plaintiffs or defendants in a court case, and robbed peasants of their crops and handicraft products which the latter carried in to sell at market towns (chen 鎮). In such work they were employed by a wide range of people, but their strongest permanent ties were to the urban elites or "men of influence at the prefectural county level" (i.e. gentry 郷紳). Since such influential people were closely connected with prefectural and county administration, their tie with urban "Bully Groups", was that of protector-client, master-sarvant relationship. But these "Bully Groups" had their own means of finding work and did not completely rely upon urban elites. By the mid-Ch'ing period these ta-hang that appeared in the late Ming period had cesased to function as bullies employed by other people and had turned into organised gangsters. Chiao-fu were carriers employed in shipping and discharging at marriage and funeral ceremonies. In the early Ch'ing period such carrier groups were able to demand exorbitant prices for their services through the use of violence. On account of such abuses "men of influence at the market town level" who dominated urban society by providing money for bridges, buildings etc., took the lead in exercising control over these unruly chiao-fu. For example men of influence in Chiang-wan chen 江湾鎮 attributed the abuses of chiao-fu to their semi-unemployed state, and raised funds from the propertied class in the market town to provide them with allowances. The growth of urban "Bully Groups" was based on the following two preconditions ; first, class- differentiation of the peasntry, and second, their having a means of living in a city. The second condition was fulfilled by the growth of commerce and increase in number of landowners who lived in prefectural or county capitals.

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As soon as the turbulence of Late Ming-Early Qing Era came to an end, the commodity distribution of the Lower Yangze Delta became brisk again, and the spatial transfer of persons and articles was rising rapidly. How-ever, the development of the commodity economy exposed social problems, such as the expansion of the gap between the rich and the poor, and it increased real crimes targeting commodity transported by merchants and shipping carriers. As a result, in the mid-Kangxi _??__??_ era, by the early Yongzheng _??__??_ era at the latest, the local government had to take system-atic measures against these crimes, and placed a lot of police box xun _??_ in parts of county cities and market towns, of along the network of roads between county cities and market towns, between market towns, and between market towns and villages. The local government finally started taking safety measures against commercial and traffic conditions. It is likely that such an arrangement of xun _??_ system promoted the develop-ment of transportation during the Qing period. But not all municipalities were not served by this xun _??_ system. Only those that G. W. Skinner called "the intermediate market, " in which local elites and merchants lived, enjoyed the service provided by the xun _??_, system. It seems reasonable to suppose that the xun _??_ system was expanded by the political-economic ability of the leaders of "the intermediate market." They hoped that the lacal government's police force would contain the criminal elements which disturbed the saticfactory development of the market town. They absorbed sorts of expenses for policing the xun _??_ system, while the police xunbing _??__??_ in turn protected their life and property. It may safely be assumed that in this way public order became stable, and the foundation of the development of regional society was established.

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