詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する:
全文: "今川仮名目録"
14件中 1-14の結果を表示しています
  • 植田 信廣
    法制史研究
    2013年 63 巻 229-232
    発行日: 2014/03/30
    公開日: 2019/10/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大平 祐一
    法制史研究
    2013年 63 巻 232-234
    発行日: 2014/03/30
    公開日: 2019/10/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西村 安博
    法制史研究
    2002年 2002 巻 52 号 235-240
    発行日: 2003/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山中 恭子
    史学雑誌
    1980年 89 巻 6 号 974-1002,1070-
    発行日: 1980/06/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The main aim of this essay is to examine the characteristics of the political strength of the Imagawa family, Sengoku Daimyo of Suruga and Totomi Provinces, by inquiring into the land surveys (kenchi) which it carried out in the late 16th century. The author examines the land surveys of the Imagawa from two dimensions : from their scope -how broadly the survey could cover the land at one time -and this depth -how thoroughly the lord could survey the territory. With respect to the scope of the surveys, examining critically the views put forth by Mr. Arimitsu Yugaku in his essay in the journal, Nihonshi Kenkyu #138 (Jan. 1974), the author concludes that the surveys covered much wider areas than his local theory permits, and that his attempt to explain the motivation of the surveys from the content of the first article of the Imagawa Kana Mokuroku (the Imagawa family code), which provides guidelines for local lords concerning the conditions under which they could force customary cultivators to quit their tenancies in favor of cultivators who would pay higher rents, is itself in error. As to the depth of the surveys, the author investigates both their form and contents. She concludes that: 1)the surveys were not merely redigested reports from local land lords, but were actually carried out in a positive manner, including on-the-spot inquiries by Imagawa functionaries. 2)the surveys, by calculating the incomes from a strip of land -nengu (tribute) and kajishi (additional rents)- in terms of currency (kanmon), and by unifying these incomes into a monetary tax assessment system, represent a certain thoroughness which, while not directly related to "the abolishment of saku-ai" (those intermediary sub-rents abolished by Hideyoshi's surveys), can clearly be interpreted as a foreshadowing that the Imagawa would soon put an end to the multi-strata shiki-system characteristic of Japan's medieval period. With the help of an examination of commercial policies of the Imagawa, the author concludes that the Sengoku Daimyo represents an epoch-making type of political power, a power which grew by bringing under its span of control new areas heretofore out of the reach of the locally based lords (zaichi ryoshu) of the previous period ; and it is in this sense that she is able to see a Kinsei-type political power born, out of the chusei period.
  • 島田(松本) 豊寿
    人文地理
    1970年 22 巻 3 号 255-281
    発行日: 1970/06/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    There were a lot of various cases in which the retainers' settlement in the castle town had been built up in the time of Civil Wars. Among them the undermentioned two have a particularly important meaning.
    1) Functional group settlement
    2) Military group settlement
    Usually special retainers started to settle in at the early stage of the group settlement and then non-regular or common retainers followed. The former established themselves impromptu and brief, the latter periodically and extending over a long period of time. At its commencement initially the aboding sections were occupied by small number of chief retainers, confidential vassal class and servants of lower ranks.
    The group settlement of retainers in the age of Civil Wars is assorted in two types: Koso type and Himenono type.
    Dwelling place of Koso type settlement differed from the other for its comparatively closer density, but it was quite dissimilar to the farm village. In the Himenono type settlement the feudal lord's mansion was surrounded with a great many group of retainer's residence. That is really becoming to its appellation “group settlement”. The chief retainers' dweling places, building up the clan group or mass group in form of the coarse agglomerated group settlement (Lockere Dorf), are irregularly distributed here and there.
    The local differenciation, usually accompanying to the feudal social strata and craftmanship was immature at the retainers' settlement. This locally undifferenciated phenomena and the appearance of the feudal class group or mass group were resulted from the special ruling structure at that time.
    At the age of Civil Wars, the retainers did not yet live a complete way of the urban consumers' life. Generally speaking, their life was rather tinctured with rural colour. It might be traced to the social condition such as “Heinô mibunri” (warriors class not yet differenciated from that of farmers), which also had restricted the number of retainers in the castre town.
    Through the latter half of the 16th century, numerous castle towns began to develop on a larger scale; the Koso type settlements were turning into that of Himenono type more and more. Decline of social system of the mediaeval age brought about structural deterioration of the early castle towns and then in the 17th century the modern castle town came out.
  • 平松 義郎
    法制史研究
    1954年 1954 巻 4 号 249-252
    発行日: 1954/07/31
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中世後期以降の日本社会を中心として
    中村 牧子
    社会学評論
    1994年 45 巻 2 号 206-220
    発行日: 1994/09/30
    公開日: 2010/05/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    日本的な紛争処理手続きの分析に現在欠けているのは, 日本と西欧の手続きを社会関係のレベルで対等に比較しうる, 中立的な分析枠組である。本稿ではそのような枠組として, 決定手続きという角度から二対の座標軸を立て, その組み合わせで四つの類型 (〈当事者-S (sachlich) 秩序回復〉, 〈第三者-S秩序回復〉, 〈当事者-P (persönlich) 秩序回復〉, 〈第三者-P 秩序回復〉) を区別する。この分類で〈当事者-P 秩序回復〉型に位置付けられる日本的な紛争処理手続きの特性は, 〈第三者-S 秩序回復〉型である西欧的な紛争処理手続きとの対比においてモデル化される。また両者の相違の歴史的な発生については, 同じ〈当事者-S 秩序回復〉型からの二方向への転換として位置付けられる。
    四つの類型は, この分野の主要な先行業績である川島武宜の法社会学的研究を踏まえ, またその限界を克服する形でたてられている。この類型を通して, 川島的な西欧準拠型の枠組が見失う局面と, とらえうる局面が, それぞれ明らかにされる。そして川島の的確にとらえていたものは, 日本社会における一見自律的にみえる紛争処理手続きが, 外部からの力を契機として存立している独特の構造であったことが明らかにされる。
  • 横田 光雄
    史学雑誌
    1989年 98 巻 11 号 1781-1809,1889-
    発行日: 1989/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of the present paper is to examine the historical role played by Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines in the formation of feudal territories by warlords during the Sengoku period in Japan. A case in point is the role played by the Tsurugaya Hachiman 鶴谷八幡 Shrine and Nago 那古 Temple in the territorial rule of the Satomi 里見 family and the public legitimation of their political power. First, both these religious institutions, being located in very important geographical locations like the Tateyama plain, Boso's agricultural production center, and key marine transportation points, held the key to the formation of the Satomi's material base from which to overcome the other political forces in the region. Secondly, being chantries for the Koga Kubo 古河公方, the official public political authority on the Kanto Plain, these religious institutions were the means by which the Satomi, through their sponsorship of religious services on behalf of the Kubo, were able to legitimate themselves by becoming one of his vice-generals. Furthermore, their control over the Tsurugaya Hachiman Shrine, which was thought to have originated from the Kokufu 国府 Hachiman Shrine, meant that they were heirs to the tradition of a religious leader for the regional government under the old ritsuryo system. Therefore, the Satomi were able to claim the political authority of a governor of Awa 安房 Province under that system. Finally, the Satomi's control of religious institutions all over their territory was a direct political attempt to strengthen their rule over the local lords and peasants, who were believers and patrons of those institutions, and to build a broad administrative base. Therefore, the control of distribution, connections to traditional political authority and the direct confrontation with the peasantry that characterized the rise to power of the Sengoku period warlords were, in the case of the Satomi family, realized through turning the temples and shrines of Boso to their political advantage. Moreover, being able to control and interfere in the affairs of these religious institutions was politically motivated by a desire to show the kind of maintanence and exercise of public authority indispensable to a provincial governor.
  • 勝俣 鎭夫
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 2 号 172-189,277-27
    発行日: 1983/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this essay, the author attempts to reply to the criticism levelled at him by Mr.Araki Moriaki in a recent article entitled "The Land Survey by the Sengoku Daimyo (戦国大名) and the Sakuai (作合) (Subletting Rent)" (see Shigaku Zasshi, Vol XC, No 8: Aug. 1981). In that article, Mr.Araki judged as empirically unprovable the key point to the author's Sengoku daimyo land survey theory (see Katsumata Shizuo 勝俣鎭夫, Sengoku-ho Seiritsu-shiron 戦国法成立史論) which states that the fundamental principle underlying said surveys was to negate tax unit managers' rights under the previous shoen (荘園) system to reap supplementary land rent income and incorporate such income into a system of monetary evaluation of land yields (kandaka-sei 貫高制). That is to say, as opposed to the author's schema which equates tax additions gained by land surveying (kenchi mashibun 検地増分) tax unit manager appropriation of supplementary land rents tax unit field management income, Mr.Araki attempts to resurrect his outdated formula which equates gains by surveying tax unit management income "off the record" fields (onden 隠田) hidden from the shoen tax system. In the present essay, the author, after investigating Mr.Araki's own empirical evidence, makes clear the impossibility of proving the existence of such a formula. Howeverr Mr.Araki is mistaken not only because of the low level of his empirical proof, but mainly because he ignores the great historical significance which lay in the Sengoku daimyos' method of "on paper" surveying (sashi-dashi kenchi 指出検地) in favor of "field" surveys (joryo kenchi 丈量検地), which, he purports, were carried out in order to discover previously concealed taxable land. Moreover, because it is now possible to conceive of Hideyoshi's cadastres (Taiko Kenchi 太閤検地), which were fundamentally "on paper" surveys, as having adopted the Sengoku daimyos' method for carrying out their own land surveys -that is, as a grand finale to the surveying done by those feudal powers -the time has finally come for a radical re-investigation of the long established explanation proposed by Mr.Araki concerning the origins of Taiko Kenchi.
  • 笠松 宏至
    史学雑誌
    1978年 87 巻 7 号 1143-1151,1125-
    発行日: 1978/07/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    In contrast to the modern technical usage of the term "komonjo." as an academic discipline, "komonjo" in the Middle Ages simply meant "old documents", that is, outdated documents of no value. This essay looks into the standards of value that set aside some documents as "komonjo", in other words, the reasons for "monjo" being devalued to "komonjo". In the late Kamakura period, "Heike Io Monjo" (平家以往文書), which appeared in legal documents of the Bakufu courts, were the prime example of "komonjo" or "the outdated documents". The Bakufu evaluated these documents simply according to the time of issue, excluding other factors such as the political importance of the issuers. Only the documents issued after the establishment of the Bakufu had legal power, while the pre-Bakufu documents were regarded as valueless "komonjo". In contrast, the Kenmu Government set up by Godaigo Tenno evaluated documents, not on the basis of the dates of issue but on the basis of the political ties it had with the issuers. Moreprecisely, the criterion for evaluation was the degree of antagonism in relations between the issuer and the Kenmu Government. The courts of the Muromachi Bakufu, on the other hand, did not classify any documents as legally valueless "komonjo", whether based on time factors or on political factors. As we have seen, the standard for defining documents as "komonjo" related closely to the character of the power structure of the time. An understanding of the term "komonjo" as used in the Middle Ages and the basis for its definition provides a clue for discovering, in concrete terms, the meaning that the transfer of political power had at that time.
  • 神田 千里
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 1 号 66-73
    発行日: 2010/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 12 号 2120-2092
    発行日: 2004/12/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 池 享
    史学雑誌
    1997年 106 巻 6 号 1174-1184
    発行日: 1997/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鴨川 達夫
    史学雑誌
    1994年 103 巻 7 号 1303-1312
    発行日: 1994/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
feedback
Top