最近さんがやられている光的荷電によるハドロンの分類について少々コメントしたい。さんの得られた結果は無限運動量系の方法で出していることとほとんど変らないと思われるが,無限運動量系へもっていって状態をassignすると言う得体の知れない手続きに比べて,光的荷電と言う物理量に対する表現として状態をassignしていくことは自然の理解としては,かなりの前進だと思われる。しかしながら,さんのスキームやその結果をみると,従来,カイラル対称性プラス自発的破れを用いてえられたものとかなり類似しており,それを別の角度から見たことになっているようにも思える。ここではクォーク模型及びσ-模型を頭に浮べながら光的荷電による分類の意味について考えてみたい。

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Don Daeng village is located near Khon Kaen in Northeast Thailand. Rice production in the village depends on rain-fed paddy fields, and is extremely unstable. This paper discusses its yield variation.
 At harvest time in 1981 and 1983, paddy yields were estimated by cutting and by standing crop survey. The latter was also done in 1985.
 For analysis, a computer-compatible data base including field size, landform unit, and cropping calendar was used.
 Frequency distributions of paddy yield grades differed greatly from year to year, being skewed toward the lower range in 1981 and 1985, when the production was poor, and toward the higher range in 1983, when there was a bumper crop. The maximum yields, however, did not differ from one year to another.
 In the years of poor harvest, plots at lower elevations gave higher yields than those on higher ground, while there was no difference between them in the year of good harvest. In all years, yields were nearly equal in the lower land; but in the higher land yields increased drastically in the good year.
 The bumper harvest of 1983 was thus primarily due to a bottom-up effect, the increased yield in normally poor-yielding plots, rather than to a yield increase across all plots.
 The lower land produced a large amount of paddy not only in the good harvest year but also in the poor harvest years. But in the bumper year the production share of this land was decreased by the increase of production in the higher and middle land.

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東北タイとラオスはおおむね熱帯モンスーンの地帯にある。したがって雨の降る雨期と雨の降らない乾期とが季節的に巡って来る。そしてたいていの稲作は雨の降る雨期に行わる。灌漑設備があれば乾期にイネを作ることは可能であるが、残念ながら人工的な灌漑設備のある水田は多くない。人工的な灌漑設備をもたない水田-天水田-では、村人は豊作を祈って年々の雨の降り具合に一喜一憂することになる(第1・2表)。

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The middle calss of the late Medieval village was called dogo (土豪), jinushi (地主) or sho-ryoshu (小領主). They have been an important focal point in the recent research made about the late Japanese Medieval village. This trend forward research concerning this middle class has helped to review much a about the movements which took place in every village. However what is lacking is an explanation of the relationship between the village and the local seigniors (zaichiryos 在地領主). This relationship was indispensable for researching the village structure in the first half of the Medieval period. In this essay the author will explain the relationship between the village and the local seigniors and its eventual breakdown, using the Toji temple's Yano-no-sho estate as an example. 1) The shokans (荘官) or the seigniors resided over the estate's tax unit (myo 名) in the Yano-no-sho estate and were responsible for collecting and paying the tax (nengu 年貢) to Toji temple, who was the proprietor of that shoen. The shokans also distributed the tax burden among the shoen's yeoman peasants (hyakusho 百姓). This was the shoen tax collection system. The shokans also took on the role of passing on the hyakusho's requests to the shoen proprietor for reducing taxes and assingning the myo. This shows the superiority of the shokans over hyakusho from a political standpoint. 2) The shokans did not rule over agricultural productions, nor were they involved in the political structure the villages. There were five villages in the Yano-no-sho estate during the 15th century. Either the allied villages or a single village controlled the rights to utilize irrigation ditches and forests for various kinds of agricultural productions. By the 15th century the shokans were only superior to the hyakusho because of their title. 3) However, during the 15th century the shokans continued to strengthen their economic positions. This caused the shokans not to pay the nengu to the shoen proprietor. Toji temple took countermeasures against this and relieved the shokans from their positions as tax collectors. As a result the shokans's power which was supported by the social system steadily weakened. 4) In the latter half of the 15th century, shokans broke away from the system and formed an alliance with shugo (守護) and kokujin(国人),who lived outside of the shoen. They directed their force to the villages. It is only by explaining the relationship between the shokans and the village that a complete understanding of the change of status of the shokans can be made. In addition, it is hoped that the foregoing argument will contribute toward furthering, the reexamination of the land rent (kaji-shi 加地子).

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１．はじめに
インド東北地方は国内でも最も開発が遅れている地域の１つである。バングラデシュ、ミャンマー、ブータン、チベット(中国)に囲まれたこの地域は多数の少数民族が暮らしており、現在も独自の文化を守り続けている。1980年代以降、政情が不安定であったため外部の研究者が立ち入ることは難しかったが、近年、治安が落ち着いてきたこともあり調査が可能となっている。京都大学東南アジア研究所・大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科はアッサム州のゴウハティ大学地理学科と学術協定を締結し、インド東北地方の農業・生態・気象・疫病を対象とした学際的なプロジェクトを開始している。
　本研究はインド東北地方の中でも面積・人口ともに最大のアッサム州において、州の主要産業である稲作の動態を明らかにすることである。アッサム州には東西を横切る形でブラマプトラ川が流れており、雨季になると毎年のように洪水が発生し稲作に被害を及ぼす。またヒマラヤ山脈の南縁に位置し、将来の環境変化による影響が危惧される。

２．調査地の概要
　調査地として選ばれたR村はアッサム州東部(上アッサム)、ブラマプトラ川の北岸(右岸)に位置する。本村はチベットを源流としヒマラヤ山脈を越えて流れてくるスバンシリ川に近接しており、過去には堤防が決壊して大洪水が起こったこともあった。また、年間降水量は3000mmに達し、6~9月の雨季には降雨のため田に植えられた稲が被害に遭うこともある。
　R村の世帯数は約110、人口は約600人になる。住民はタイ系のアホム(タイ＝アホム)である。アホムは現在の中国雲南省から移動を開始しミャンマーを抜けて、13世紀にブラマプトラ渓谷に定住したとされている。ヒンドゥー教徒でアッサム語を話す。R村は1910年代から開墾が始まり、現在は開拓世代の子・孫の世代が村の中心となっている。

３．調査方法
　発表者は2007年7月 ~ 11月、2008年1月 ~ 7月の期間中、のべ260日間調査村に滞在し現地調査を行った。村びとの家に下宿しながら、質問表を用いた全戸調査、観察、聞き取りを実施した。全戸調査の際には助手として村人に同行してもらい、聞き取りにはアッサム語が使用された。

４．結果
　結論から述べると、R村の稲作はよくいえば伝統的な、近代的稲作からかけ離れたものである。村には灌漑設備がないため、雨季の期間しか稲作がおこなわれず、稲刈り後の乾季は牛が田に放牧されている。調査地周辺を見回しても同じような景観が続いていることから、上アッサムには未だにR村のような未開発の村が多く残されていることが推測される。これは乾季作(ボロ稲)・灌漑・機械化など近代技術が進んでいるアッサム州西部(下アッサム)とは対照的である。
　村内で栽培されている稲はアフ(3 ~ 6月)、バオ(3 ~ 11月)、ハリ(7 ~ 11月)の3種類である。このうちハリ稲はすべての世帯で栽培されるが、アフ稲は屋敷付近の高で、バオ稲は低で比較的小規模に栽培されている。
　稲の品種を調べたところ、村全体で50種類以上の品種が植えられていることが確認された。各世帯で植える品種数は5種類が最も多く、なかには10種類以上の稲を植える世帯もある。田の比高の差によって品種を植え分ける必要があるほかに、コメの利用法の観点からも品種数が多くなっている。
　田の土地所有をみると、各世帯の田は高を含む細長い長方形になっている。低は水と肥沃度が高く高収量が見込め、高は洪水のリスクが少ない。しかし土地は均等に相続されるため、水田所有の細分化が問題となっている。

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Northeast Thailand is known as a typical “rain-fed” rice area. Archival materials and interviews with village elders, however, indicate that “rain-fed” rice land began to appear only around the mid-20th century, and until then, most rice lands had been irrigated by a kind of earthen weir diversion system. The system consists of a higher-than-bank earthen bund, called thamnop (probably of Khmer origin), across a stream, which diverts the whole volume of the stream flow into adjacent rice fields with or without canals and ditches. The diverted water irrigates the rice, and the excess flows through paddy fields and eventually returns to the original stream downstream. The region is an erosional plain under the hot and humid climate. Base rock beneath the plain is chemically weathered at a great depth, leaving only fine materials near the surface. The thamnop system can be seen as an adaptation to an environment void of stone materials.
Today, thamnop are disappearing. The rice area of the region increased by about eight times in the first half of the 20th century, and two and half times in the second. This staggering expansion was made possible by the drainage of lowland on the one hand, and reclamation toward higher ground that cannot be irrigated by the thamnop on the other—that is, the evolution of “rain-fed” rice fields. The expansion toward higher ground has affected the thamnop system adversely. First, the stream flow has been greatly reduced due to the declining run-off ratio caused by a greater retention of water upstream by bunded “rain-fed” rice plots. Second, the bottom land to be irrigated by the thamnop system has been reduced to a small portion of the total area under the rice at the regional as well as the village level. The changes in villages' economic structure due to the commercialization of rice and other export-oriented crops, and off-farm jobs have caused a shift in farmers' priority from food security to profitability. This has made the assured harvest by the thamnop less relevant.
Around the Tonle Sap in Cambodia, the rectangular earthen bund with its opening towards the bank, called tnup (a corruption of thamnop), is used for the retention of receding water towards the end of the rainy season for irrigating dry season rice. Although the erosional plain and the fans between the lake and Kulen hills are often described as “rain-fed” areas, there actually exist numerous thamnop apparently still playing an important role in village society. Although the antiquity of the thamnop is not known, it appears likely that the thamnop-irrigated rice production was one of the irrigational forms existed during Angkor times. Scattered records in Vietnam, Burma, and southern Thailand suggest that the system might have been distributed throughout Southeast Asia.

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