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  • 李 東植
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    1997年 62 巻 502 号 125-131
    発行日: 1997/12/30
    公開日: 2017/02/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper presents the results of finding the basic structures and the transition of Korean traditional spatial village in Sangman Village. Jindo Island. It concentrated on the analysis of the system of Munjung which maintains and administers the village and the graveyards. The paper also described the cause of gathering of residence place by analyzing the process by searching the history of the resident place, according to the formation of the stages and the utilization of the streams and common wells. The results are that the Kirns first developed the prototype which was the core of the village surrounded by the four T-shape crossroads. Then two families, the Lees and the Parks, in the 2nd stage expanded to the West and to the East along the contour line of the core, respectively. Later in the 3rd stage, to the North and to the South sides, each Munjung continued to expand their living places. Again, the descendants in the 4th stage further developed to the all south sides of the old stages. The cross-shape road was then formed. From the view point of the development of the stages and the graveyards, the conclusions are that the graveyards were the ground of community consciousness for deaths, and were the place and the device of the mediation for lasting the community where a death and a life could meet together. Also Munjung strongly affected the formation and administration of the village, and reflected all aspects of a village formed by individual family.
  • ソウル市の「全州李氏大同宗約院」を事例にして
    魯 富子
    ソシオロジ
    1997年 41 巻 3 号 37-54,106
    発行日: 1997/02/28
    公開日: 2016/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
     This article is to clarify the total system of Dongsong organization, which changes with urbanization, based on differences found in large-scale organization in 4 different districts in Seoul city.
     This study has found that there are 4 different types of Dongson organization:
     1 ) A single large group in central business district.
     2 ) Small groups sharing hobbies and jobs in upper-class district.
     3 ) Residential area-based small groups in lower-class district.
     4 ) Both type 2 and type 3 in suburban district.
     Development of such patterns in different districts has showed that urbanization has resulted in segregation of a Dongsong organization into smaller groups with different characteristics depending on district. While residents in upper-class district have formed small groups according to their hobbies and jobs, those who live in lower-class district have established residential area-based small groups.
     Based on findings, this study concludes that, in Korean society urbanization has led to segregation of residential districts according to classes, which has been followed by diversification of small groups in a Dongsong organization.
  • 一九二〇, 三〇年代を中心に
    山本 華子
    東洋音楽研究
    2005年 2005 巻 70 号 73-84,L5
    発行日: 2005/08/20
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Jongmyo is the Royal Ancestral Shrine and holds the mortuary tablets of the kings and queens of the Chosun Dynasty (1392-1910). It is situated in the centre of Seoul. A ceremony known as the Jongmyo Jerye (Royal Shrine Ritual) is held there regularly. It is consists of Jongmyo Jeryeak (Ritual Music) played by a vocal and instrumental ensemble and Ilmu dance with equal numbers of rows and dancers both on all sides. The Jongmyo Jerye and Jongmyo Jeryeak are both recognised as Korean Intangible Cultural Assets and are listed by UNESCO as Intangible World Cultural Heritage.
    During the Chosun Dynasty, Jongmyo Jeryeak was held by the Chosun Kings with their participating in the ceremony, but with no Kingdom in present-day Korea, it has now become a Cultural Heritage. In this paper I would like to trace the changes that took place in Jongmyo Jeryeak focusing in particular on its state during the time of Korea's Colonization by Japan, a time that links the Chosun period with the present day.
    With the colonization of Korea by Japan in 1910, Jongmyo Jeryeak became the responsibility of the Yiwangjik Aakbu (Royal Music Institute of the Yi Household), an institution created by the Kunaisho (the predecessor of the present day Kunaicho). Whenever a ritual was held at Jongmyo, the Yiwangjik Aakbu would regularly perform and thus there are related materials which remain as public documents. In this paper I will take two kinds of such documents, and analyse the section “Matters relating to the sending of Aakubuwon”. I was able to get such material for the thirty two Jongmyo Jerye that took place in the ten years from 1928 to 1938. Through analysis of these documents, differences in practice with present Jongmyo Jerye became apparent.
    In the 1920s and 1930s, Jongmyo Jerye was held four times a year in each season. In Spring and Autumn, it was performed in two places, at the Jeong Jeon (or Main Shrine) and the Yeongnyeong Jeon (or annex), but in Winter and Summer it was only performed at the Jeong Jeon. The present-day Jongmyo Jerye is held once a year on the first Sunday of May and is performed both at the Jeong Jeon and the Yeongnyeong Jeon.
    The musicians of the former Jongmyo Jeryeak consisted of members of the Yiwangjik Aakbu as well as other employed musicians independent of this institution. Present day the Jongmyo Jeryeak Conservation Committee is led by musicians from the National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts. Ilmu was performed by 36 male dancers from the Yiwangjik Aakbu, but now is made up of 64 female dancers from the Gukak National Middle and High School and the Ilmu Conversation committee.
    There is little change in the composition of the instruments used in the Jongmyo Jeryeak of old and that of today. One interesting point is the absence of the eo (wooden tiger) in the former. Today there are a lot more people concentrated in the wind and string sections. There is also a principle that each musician only plays one instrument in present day Jongmyo Jeryeak, whereas in the former it became apparent that a musician would play more than one instrument according to the make up of the ensemble.
    Based on the above observations, it can be said that although the Jongmyo Jeryeak ensemble and Ilmu dance troupe were smaller in Colonial times, as a result of regular performances at the Jongmyo Jerye by musicians and dancers from the Yiwangjik Aakbu four times a year when Korea was liberated in 1945, Jongmyo Jeryeak did not die out but was maintained by the National Center for Korean Traditional Performing Arts, becoming both Korean and World Cultural Heritages.
  • 趙 大〓
    民族衛生
    1967年 33 巻 2 号 347-357
    発行日: 1967年
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The state of health of the Korean old people is studied statistically with their five family lines which have lasted from seventeen century. The conclusion is as follows. (1) According to the age of death, the state of health in general has been improved since the beginning of this century. (2) Each family line has its own life span and the age of death. It is assumed that there is heredity of life span, or each family line has had own custom for health. (3) There is no difference on the state of health between old male and old female at Korea in latter days. (4) The state of health of the aged in latter days at Korea is no less than that in the present time with Proportional Mortality Indicator (PMI) and life expectancy of the aged.
  • 川名 はつ子, 野中 浩一, 三浦 悌二
    日本生気象学会雑誌
    1990年 27 巻 Supplement 号 56
    発行日: 1990/10/20
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川名 はつ子, 野中 浩一, 三浦 悌二
    日本生気象学会雑誌
    1993年 30 巻 3 号 147
    発行日: 1993/11/11
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川名 はつ子, 野中 浩一, 三浦 悌二
    日本生気象学会雑誌
    1994年 31 巻 1 号 31-36
    発行日: 1994/04/01
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    日本では早生まれの多い現象が1960年代半ばにはほとんど消えて, 1年中ほぼ平均して生まれるようになった.隣接する韓国・朝鮮との差異を検討するため, 日本人と朝鮮・韓国人の出生季節分布を, 古くからの記録を用いて約300年にわたり比較した.出生数の「早春の山と初夏の谷」の傾向が最もはっきりしていたのは, 19世紀以降のおよそ1世紀半の間の日本であり (山/谷比=約1.5) , その間, 朝鮮・韓国では分布の形は日本と同様ながら, その変動幅は小さかった (山/谷比=約1.1) .ところが日本で季節性の消失した1960年代以降にも, 韓国では早生まれが減少せず, とくに1970年代には「早春の山と初夏の谷」はむしろ明瞭になりつつあるという違いが生じている.日本の早生まれ喪失現象が, 一般に言われていたような, 冷暖房や冷蔵庫の普及などによる脱季節化に起因するものならば, 韓国でも何年かの時差はあっても同様の経過をたどるはずなのに, 却って差が拡大していることから, 冷暖房や冷蔵庫の普及などとは別の要因が働いているらしいことが示唆された.
  • 川名 はつ子, 三浦 悌二
    日本生気象学会雑誌
    1989年 26 巻 1 号 57-62
    発行日: 1989/04/01
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    各国とも人口動態統計の整備される以前には月別出生の統計はなく, 長期の変動を観察するための資料に乏しい.このたび信頼できると思われる朝鮮の族譜の記録から1399~1980年生まれで出生年月の明らかな13, 004人について調べ, 従来知られていなかった朝鮮での月別出生数を明らかにした.その結果, 15~18世紀には春と秋の2つの山がみられたが, 19世紀以降はその傾向が弱まり, さらに20世紀中ごろになると春の山のみが高くなり, 20世紀前半の日本と共通のパターンが見られた.その後, 日本では1964年から一年中ほぼ平坦となったが, 朝鮮では1970~1980年代に入っても, まだ早生まれの多いパターンを残していた.本研究の20世紀に入ってからの動向は, 朝鮮総督府統計年報や韓国人口動態統計から調べた一般人口の結果とほぼ一致した.
  • 五島 寧
    都市計画論文集
    1994年 29 巻 541-546
    発行日: 1994/10/25
    公開日: 2019/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    IN KEIJO(SEOUL:AT PRESENT)DURING THE JAPANESE COLONIAL ERA, THERE WERE DESTRUCTIONS OF TRADITIONAL AUTHORITY TYPIFIED BY OBSTRUCTION THE VIEW TO ROYAL PALACE,AND TRANSPLANTATIONS OF JAPANESE NATIONAL POLITY TYPIFIED BY ESTABLISHMENT OF SHINTO SHRINE.THIS PAPER ELUCIDATES "BUILDING OF THE GOVERNMENT-GENERAL OF CHOSEN AT THE SITE OF ROYAL PALACE","ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHOSEN SHRINE","DESTRUCTION OF TRADITIONAL MEANING ON LAND BY STREET CONSTRUCTION" WITH THE VIEW OF URBAN SPACE CONTROL.IN THE METHODOLOGY OF URBAN SPACE CONTROL UNDER THE JAPANESE RULE, KEIJO WAS RECONSTRUCTED FUNCTIONALLY, WITHOUT CONSIDERING TRADITIONAL ORDER.

  • 李 東植, 石山 修武
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    1996年 61 巻 479 号 169-178
    発行日: 1996/01/30
    公開日: 2017/01/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Korean farming villages from 1960 onward, new material culture for daily life came into extensive use in households and the modernization of lifestyle moved on steadily, stimulated by the Saemaul-Undong (= New Village Planning Movement). Both peoople's way of thinking about their lifestyle and the inhabitants themselves have been changed tremendously by this modernization. In this paper, taking basic and traditional spatial structure of the village in Sangman Village, Jindo Island, we tried to analyze statistically the actual state of changes, and to study the concept of modernization as a numerical entity by presenting the process of its spatial change and the system of munjung (= patrilineage).
  • 全羅北道天呼洞での事例研究
    呉 知恩
    ソシオロジ
    1994年 39 巻 2 号 37-53,192
    発行日: 1994/10/31
    公開日: 2017/02/15
    ジャーナル フリー
     This study aims to analyse the correlation between the religious ideology and the status of women by ethnographical approach to a Catholic "Kyowoo-chon" Community, "Cheonho-Dong" located in Cheon-Nam Province of Korea. The data, analyzed by the social network analysis focusing on both the kinship and the ritual kinship through baptism and by the case study method, can be summarized as follows. Firstly, the interaction between two ideologies, the hierarchical kinship ideology and the egalitarian religious community ideology, governs the community features, and the structure and human relations are primarily based on the ritual kin-relations through baptism. Secondly, the traditional concept of predominance of man over woman based on Confucianism seems to be weak in ritual as well as in every day life due to the Catholic community ideology emphasizing equality between man and woman. Finally, women participate in family and community rituals equally with men and take parts in missionary work and public pray meetings solidarity and eagerly, for they are of great values as symbolic and practical activities of religious Kyowoo-chon community. Therefore, it can be considered that women's status in Kyowoo-chon community is higher than that of a general Korean rural society.
  • 李 乾熈
    印度學佛教學研究
    1994年 43 巻 1 号 322-319
    発行日: 1994/12/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 全州崔氏の花樹会を事例として
    斎藤 久美
    地理学評論
    2005年 78 巻 11 号 710-723
    発行日: 2005/10/01
    公開日: 2008/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    本研究は,韓国の地方中心都市である清州市を対象とし,都市における血縁組織の形成とその変容を,村落から都市への人口移動との関連から明らかにすることを目的とした.韓国の都市における血縁組織の形成は,1960年代以降,首都ソウルに人口が集中するとともに同族集落からの転入者によって,ソウルなどの大都市に形成される動きがみられるようになった.清州市の血縁組織は,清州市への人口集中が著しくなった1970年代以降活発に形成されたという.一方,清州市の血縁組織は,1970年代に忠清北道内の同族集落から清州市に転入した経済的・社会的成功者たちを中心に,同族集落との連絡を補うために形成された.その後,都市の血縁組織は,各同族集落からの転入者を会員に迎え入れ成長したが,その中で,就職の斡旋や住居地の紹介など,転入者の都市定着支援などの役割も補う例もあった.都市の血縁組織は都市居住者が増大するにしたがって,都市住民のニーズに応じ,血縁組織が細分化されるなど,社会状況に応じて変容し続けている.
  • 三友 健容
    印度學佛教學研究
    2002年 51 巻 1 号 287-283
    発行日: 2002/12/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 末成 道男
    民族學研究
    1974年 39 巻 1 号 102-104
    発行日: 1974/06/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 綾部 恒雄
    民族學研究
    1974年 39 巻 1 号 100-102
    発行日: 1974/06/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 風響社 2016年 486ページ
    倉持 和雄
    アジア経済
    2018年 59 巻 2 号 69-72
    発行日: 2018/06/15
    公開日: 2022/06/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 特に同族, 又は村落の土地所有問題と関連して
    金 鴻植
    農林業問題研究
    1973年 9 巻 3-4 号 122-136
    発行日: 1973/12/25
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 申 京珠
    日本家政学会誌
    1990年 41 巻 7 号 665-670
    発行日: 1990/07/05
    公開日: 2010/03/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊藤 亜人
    民族學研究
    1977年 41 巻 4 号 281-299
    発行日: 1977/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    The present paper discusses the village structure in contemporary rural Korea, primarily through the analysis of ch'inhan-sai (Korean friendship) on Which Kye system is based. I isolate roughly two separate fields or types of social relations which subsume most of the interactions of the people in the village. The first is with regard to kinship relations based on munjung (Korean lineage) membership and the ascribed status in it. In the village on which the data of this paper is based, there are two dominant munjung, It is apparent that the patrilineal principle, as well as seniority, has a great effect on the community structure. The second embraces the personal relationships people become involved in for the purpose of mutual assistance in daily life and during life crisis, by manipulating the personal interactions. The kye system and the ch'inhan-sai relation are of primary importance in this field. Generally speaking, the first social field regulated by the kinship system has been a major concern for many students, while the second has been given only secondary, residual meaning in the studies of the Korean community. The kye is the formal organization for activities of many kinds in this field ; preparing for a funeral or wedding ceremony, saving, approval of mutual intimacy, etc. The kye is, in general, organized by as few as lo members who are same in sex and generation, and observe the contractual principle of give-and-take. The kye is, therefore, a temporary organization, because it is broken up when all members are paid in equal, and its membership is not succeeded to, with only a few exceptions. The duration of each kye organization, therefore, depends primarily on the number of members ; the more members, the larger amount of funds one can get in case of need, in exchange for a small personal contribution, while the more risks he must run due to the longer duration. Among 94 households in the village concerned, more than 130 kyes of various kinds and durations are organized, overlapping in their memberships. A Kye is planned and organized by two or three core members intimate with each other in everyday life, and the rest are recruited from among their common, close friends. Ch'inhan-sai (friendship) can be achieved, only according to the context of explicit social principles ; seniority, segregation of sex, lineage membership. In this sense, the most intimate dyadic ch'inhan-sai is to be found between tonggap (set of the same age) , regardless of lineagemembership, is of special importance, and, in many cases, constitutes the longer-term commitment to join the common-interest activities, and also contributes to form a personal cell, while the primary ch'inhan-sai relation is, most commonly achieved between elders and youngers of the same generation, but of different lineage membership, on the ground that the latter follow the strict code of reverence for the former. Personal interaction to be found within the ch'inhan-sai is in contrast with the relation of kakkaun-sai (near relation) to be found between close kinsmen; ch'inhan-sai relation is informal, and can be manipulated by personal will, on the contrary, kakheun-sai relation is strictly regulated by the ascribed norms, according to the relative status, to be more explicit between close skinsmen, and in consequence, behavior is rather formal. Even within the same lineage, members of different segments of sub-divisions do not stand in kakkaun-sai, and can achieve relatively friendly and informal relation, in the situations kinship norms can be flexibly applied, especially through the middleman of different lineage, who is in ch'inhan-sai relation with both two.
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