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  • 杉木 明子
    アフリカ研究
    2005年 2005 巻 67 号 131-133
    発行日: 2005/12/20
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 曽我 亨
    アフリカ研究
    2005年 2005 巻 67 号 128-131
    発行日: 2005/12/20
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森脇 久光
    資源と素材
    1993年 109 巻 6 号 423-428
    発行日: 1993/06/25
    公開日: 2011/01/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    Japan should be more aware of the vulnerability of supply of rare metals, especially cobalt from southern Africa. The production of Zaire and Zambia amounts to 74% of cobalt and 8% of copper of the world's production. However, since 1982 its production has been declining. Zaire and Zambia urge to help for improvement of mining and transport facilities. Zambia is dependent upon road and rail way systems link to ports in neighbouring countries for imports and exports. This report describes the current situation of transportation and mining in the area of the Copperbelt.
  • 池谷 和信
    アフリカ研究
    2002年 2002 巻 60 号 75-84
    発行日: 2002/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    「親指ピアノ」は, アフリカで生まれ, 現在でもサハラ以南のアフリカ各地に広くみられる楽器である。本稿では, アンゴラ北東部に暮らすチョクウェの音文化のなかで「親指ピアノ」に焦点をおいて, その楽器の形態やそこから演奏される曲の歌詞を分析することから, チョクウェの音文化と生活とのかかわりあいを把握する。調査は, アンゴラ北東部のドュンド町内や近郊に住む9人の演奏者を対象にして, 聞き取り調査や演奏曲を録音する作業をおこなった。
    チョクウェは, アンゴラ東部を中心にして居住するバンツー系の人々である。彼らは, キャッサバ栽培などの農耕を中心として, 狩猟, 漁労, 出稼ぎなどを複合させた生業を営んでいる。まずこの地域では, 各々の形態の違いに応じて独自の名称を持つ8種類の「親指ピアノ」を確認できた。また, 収集された43曲は, 男性によって単独で演奏されるのもので, すべての曲に歌詞がついていた。このうち31曲の歌詞の内容を分析すると, 経済生活, 男女関係や親子関係, 日常生活, 出来事, 割礼儀礼, 植民地時代の歴史などに分類される。さらに, 1960年代の報告と現在のものとを比較すると,「親指ピアノ」は, 娯楽としては使われている点では共通しているものの儀礼の際には用いられなくなっていた。本稿ではこの楽器の機能として, 歌詞のなかに登場していた様々な出来事が次の世代に伝承されていくことから, 当時の生活世界が反映された個人史が伝承される点に注目している。
  • ジロー ルネ, 中島 俊克, 作道 潤
    社会経済史学
    1992年 58 巻 3 号 271-281
    発行日: 1992/09/25
    公開日: 2017/09/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 石 弘之
    農業土木学会誌
    1986年 54 巻 1 号 11-17,a1
    発行日: 1986/01/01
    公開日: 2011/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    一時は27力国を数えたアフリカの飢餓国は, 85年に入って雨が戻り, 被災者も減ってきた。しかし, まだ数力国で悲惨な状態が続いている。この大規模な飢餓の原因は, 異常な干ばつに求められてきたが, 単なる雨不足ではなく, もっと構造的, 恒常的な原因が背景にある。とくに, アフリカの自然のキャパシティの低下と, それを超えた人間や家畜の圧力を考える必要がある。
  • 小田 英郎, 井上 一明
    アフリカ研究
    1979年 1979 巻 18 号 107-112
    発行日: 1979/03/30
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 村尾 るみこ
    アフリカレポート
    2023年 61 巻 58-70
    発行日: 2023/11/21
    公開日: 2023/11/21
    ジャーナル フリー HTML

    アンゴラ東部では、かつては慣習的に土地分配をする伝統的首長による統治が行われていたが、独立解放闘争および独立後の内戦と2002年の停戦合意までの40年の間にその伝統的首長を含め、住民らの多くがザンビアへ逃れた。本稿は、紛争後のアンゴラ東部のモシコ州において伝統的首長のもとで持続的な帰還を果たしているンブンダの事例に着目し、伝統的首長が再び土地を分配することによって復権するプロセスを明らかとすることを目的とした。ンブンダの伝統的首長は従軍経験をもとに政府関係者と良好な関係を積極的に構築し、パラマウント・チーフを頂点とする伝統的政治体制のもと、帰還したンブンダの人びとを招き入れ土地を分配することを通じて村の再建に貢献した。また伝統的首長は、従来の居住集団の構成を変えることを要請してさらに多くの帰還したンブンダに土地を分配した。アンゴラ東部へのンブンダの持続的な帰還は、伝統的権威を発揮する対象となる住民を伝統的首長自身で増やすことによって進んだものであった。

  • 水田 愼一
    国際政治
    2011年 2011 巻 165 号 165_125-140
    発行日: 2011/07/25
    公開日: 2013/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article argues about conditions for realizing “democratic civil peace.” Since around the end of the Cold War, an approach to introduce democratic principles and practices has become a common approach by the international community to bring peace to post-conflict countries; however, the results of such interventions have been mixed.
    As implementation records accumulated, scholars eventually came to argue that hasty and unprepared democratization can hurt peace rather than promote it, and some of them started to argue that “democratic institutionalization” has to proceed first in order to harness excessive political competition and facilitate smooth democratization in post-conflict settings. Nevertheless, a question lingers: how can democratic institutionalization proceed when animosities prevail in post-conflict countries? In fact, up to date, no integrated analytical theories have developed to examine and show how and under what conditions democratic institutionalization and reconciliation of former enemies can proceed, leading to realization of democracy in post-conflict countries.
    In order to fill such a gap in the literature, I attempted to build a new theoretical framework. Setting “democratic institutionalization” and “reconciliation of former enemies” as two primary valuables, I analyzed how these variables affect each other, leading or not leading to realization of democracy. Also, I set “international intervention/support” including military intervention and development assistance as an independent variable, and analyzed how this variable affects democratic institutionalization and reconciliation, thereby affecting democratization. Employing the proposed theoretical framework, I examined cases of four countries; namely, Angola, Cambodia, El Salvador, and Namibia, first cases where the international communities led by the UN made peacebuilding interventions.
    Major findings are the following. First, I found that democratic institutionalization cannot simply proceed in hostile situations, and efforts to promote reconciliation have to proceed before democratic institutionalization can make progress. Second, I found that when there are local actors that adamantly refuse to cooperate on peace processes, effects of intervention and support by the international community are often limited, and it has never been possible to coerce peace implementation on those strong opponents. Third, I found that there are more than one threshold that the international community help post-conflict societies overcome for enabling their autonomous transition to democratic civil peace, and most ideally it is desirable for the international community to continue to support those societies with massive military and civilian presence until democratic civil peace actually materializes. However, because such large-scale and long-lasting international intervention is often times unrealistic due to limited budget, human resources, and political interests that the international community has, it needs to be selective by choosing only cases with good prospect for success when it decides on whether to proceed with intervention.
  • 冷戦変容期の国際政治
    大津留(北川) 智恵子
    国際政治
    1994年 1994 巻 107 号 131-144,L14
    発行日: 1994/09/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Third World nations are often the target of intervention. Especially during the cold war period, but not limited to then, the United States intervened in the internal affairs of those nations, claiming to protect its national interest. What constitutes American national interest which should be protected by intervening in other nations, however, remains dubious at best.
    Aiding the Angolan civil war was among such intervention policies, but was exercised over two different time periods: failing détente in the 1970s and emerging new cold war in the 1980s. This article examines what factors were given priority in each of the decision makings, and points out the problems.
    The first covert aid was a typical cold-war intervention, although delayed in time. Wherever the Soviet Union expands into, the United States should also get in and stand tall. In the decision making process on covert aid to FNLA and UNITA among the limited circle, consideration for Angolan interests was missing. Moreover, covert manipulation gave an open invitation for South African intervention, which complicated the southern African situation.
    The legacy of such covert aid remained even through the Carter administration. While the political landscape of the Angolan civil war shifted from U. S. -Soviet rivalry to struggle among African nations over Apartheid, the United States entered the new round of intervention with old mind set.
    The United States intervened again using covert aid to UNITA, but this time such covert policy was publicly mentioned by the President and others. This is so-called overt-covert action. While promoting the public approval of this policy, the administration denied the opportunity for Congress to openly discuss the policy content of Angolan intervention.
    Deprived of the proper Congressional function to terminate the wrong policy, covert aid to UNITA continued to flow, thus dragging out the process of peace agreement, and the subsequent establishment of the national government. Although elections were finally conducted, UNITA, which enjoyed the distorted image of national popularity, could not accept its loss and refused to go along with the terms of the agreement. A new round of civil war was thus launched.
    American covert aid first avoided the opportunity for a national government by turning the Angolan civil war into an East-West confrontation. The second intervention did not help strengthen the basis for democratic government among the Angolan population either, but rather helped Savimbi's individual aspiration at the cost of the nation at large. American Angolan policy may have been a lost cause from the beginning but covert action cannot be the method to promote constructive foreign policy. For its decision making by-passes the democratic system at home and thus fails to enjoy a lasting support, while the hidden aid is subject to manipulation which fails to convey a clear message to the recipient nation.
  • 現代の安全保障
    小田 英郎
    国際政治
    1979年 1979 巻 63 号 86-99,L4
    発行日: 1979/10/15
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to examine why and how current African conflicts have invited the external military interventions, and what sort of collective security systems are now under planning in Africa and the West.
    In the 1970s Africa has experienced many serious conflicts between African countries, most of which grew more serious with the military interventions of the non-African Powers. Especially since the Angolan civil war, the East-West military intervention race has seemed to become normal conditions in Africa.
    One reason for this is that Africa has risen recently in strategic importance in the East-West relations, but another reason is that the OAU did not take any efficient action to check military interventions of non-African Powers. Thus a Pax Africana or the establishment of African continental jurisdiction as the highest goal of the OAU becomes more distant.
    Shortly after the second Shaba crisis in May 1978, five Western countries discussed the establishment of a Pan-African security force proposed by France. Western discussion of a Pan-African force was, however, sharply criticized by many African countries, for this showed that the West still considered Africa to be within its sphere of influence and acted accordingly.
    In order to counteract the idea of the Western brand of African security system and to ensure a Pax Africana, the OAU passed a resolution about ‘the African military force for intervention’ at the 15th summit conference in July 1978. African security, indeed, depends upon whether this African military force for intervention will be established or not.
  • -タイヤ製造企業における国際経営の歴史的検証-
    丑山 幸夫
    国際情報研究
    2006年 3 巻 1 号 23-34
    発行日: 2006/09/16
    公開日: 2016/12/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper discusses about the global strategies of the multinational corporations of which headoffices are located in the U.S.A., Europe, and Japan. In recent tire industry, a few manufacturers hold alarge part of the global market and the worldwide competition is keen in this business. The aim of thispaper is to compare the global strategies practically by following the history of the management of therepresentative tire manufacturers in the world. And applying the framework of Bartlett, C. and S.Ghoshal, this paper intends to unveil the features and effective measures of their global strategies.

  • ―現代アフリカの紛争と国家の特質―
    武内 進一
    年報政治学
    2009年 60 巻 2 号 2_108-2_128
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2013/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
      Recent internal conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa have witnessed governments employing militias to complement and enhance existing national armies, or as alternative forces altogether. Use of militias in counter-insurgency operations has brought about tremendous human casualties and material damages. The paper attempts to elucidate the meaning of this particular type of violence from an empirical as well as theoretical point of view. Through four case studies of militias in Congo (Brazzaville), Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Sudan as well as through examination of the notion of militias within an African political context, it becomes evident that African militias are generally not regulated by formal law, and tend to be formed and supported from political leaders above. In conclusion, the paper also draws relationships between the militia phenomenon and the nature of post-colonial African states, which have assumed strong patrimonial characteristics. In recent conflicts, African political leaders have often preferred militias to weak national armies that have been personalized through long-term patrimonial rules.
  • 武内 進一
    アフリカ研究
    2009年 2009 巻 74 号 51-61
    発行日: 2009/03/31
    公開日: 2010/05/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―紛争後の4カ国の経験―
    稲田 十一
    国際開発研究
    2014年 23 巻 1 号 41-57
    発行日: 2014/06/15
    公開日: 2019/09/27
    ジャーナル フリー

    There are several post-conflict countries, in which the electoral system among plural parties has been introduced after the ceasefire of internal war but authoritarian nature of the ruling party has been expanding (this can be called as the stagnation of “democratic governance” ), in parallel with the steady improvements of administrative capacity and economic management of the government (this can be called as the enhancement of “developmental (or administrative) governance” ). This article examined 4 post-conflict country cases of Cambodia, Rwanda, Angola and Mozambique.

    Those 4 cases show the same trends of the stagnation of “democratic governance” and the enhancement of “developmental governance” and steady economic growth. This phenomenon stimulates us to raise the following questions: (1) Is there no relationship between economic development and “democratic governance”? What are the lessons gained from the experiences of those 4 countries? (2) What are the common factors behind those same trends in 4 countries?

    The analyses and comparisons of some governance-related indicators of 4 countries have lead to the following tentative conclusions: (1) There is positive relationship between “administrative governance” (CPIA) and development indicator (HDI). (2) There is no clear relationship between “democratic governance” (such as Polity IV, Democracy Index) and economic development (HDI, growth rate). It seems that the introduction of the basic democratic framework such as electoral system among multiparties has been the basis of economic development after the end of conflict, but further democratization might not be essential factor for it.

    All 4 countries have shown relatively good economic performance and increasing power of the ruling party under the nominal democratic system. We may call this the spread of a model of “developmental states.” Some argue that the spread of the “Beijing Consensus” in contrast to the “Washington Consensus” is a common factor behind the phenomenon. We can find increasing influence of Chinese aid both in Angola and Cambodia, but that is not the case in Rwanda and Mozambique, where strong aid coordination framework exists initiated by western donors. Although further analyses are still necessary to examine the effectiveness of “developmental states” and the possibility of “democratic developmental states” in those countries, both of “developmental governance” and “democratic governance” should be included as important goals to be pursued in the post-2015 development agenda.

  • モザンビーク内戦とアンゴラ内戦の比較を通じて
    佐伯 太郎
    国際政治
    2009年 2009 巻 156 号 156_37-54
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2011/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    Peace agreements do not necessarily end civil wars. Previous research shows that nearly half of the agreements reached between 1949 and 1992 failed to bring about peace. Why do some agreements produce peace while others fail to prevent violence from breaking out again? To answer this theoretical question, the present paper compares the peace process in Mozambique with the two peace processes in Angola. For all the common historical and regional contexts, the contrasting outcomes of these peace processes were striking. In Mozambique, the Rome Accords in 1992 succeeded in ending its civil war whereas in Angola neither the Bicesse Accords in 1991 nor the Lusaka Accords do so.
    The comparison of these three peace processes reveals that the post-civil war institutions should be designed to mitigate the fear of the politically weak. Former military adversaries must agree to peacefully coexist with each other as political rivals. Therefore, some guarantee of the security and vital interests for the weak would be crucial to achieve peace. Exactly for this purpose, power-sharing agreements keep the politically strong from monopolizing power in the political, military and territorial dimension. And this is why the territorial power sharing in the Rome Accords enabled the RENAMO to accept its disarmament in Mozambique. Even after the defeat in the presidential and parliamentary elections, they complied with this agreement.
    But, the guarantee of territorial autonomy is not a panacea. In Angola, an agreement of territorial power sharing might have effectively eased the anxiety of the weak. Nevertheless, the strong hesitated to concede territorial autonomy to the weak. Why? The strong were afraid that the weak might take advantage of the natural resources in their territory in increasing its own power in their favor. This could destabilize the postwar order. Therefore, the absence of territorial autonomy kept the UNITA from complying with the peace accords. This is the essence of what I call the pitfall of territorial autonomy.
  • 森口 舞
    ラテンアメリカ研究年報
    2019年 39 巻 135-163
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2022/01/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 現代アフリカの政治と国際関係
    青木 一能
    国際政治
    1988年 1988 巻 88 号 47-68,L8
    発行日: 1988/05/21
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The situation in Namibia presents itself to the unitiated as one of confusion. The World Court and the United Nations have characterized South Africa's occupation as illegal, but until recently, South Africa has maintained an everincreasing military force and has also mounted attacks on neighboring Angola from Namibian bases. International negotiations and local meetings have been convened and broken off with bewildering frequency. The South West African Peoples' Organization (SWAPO), which is recognized by the U. N. as a representative of the people of Namibia, has been waging a political and military struggle for independence while participating in negotiations as part of this struggle. In the late 1970s, under pressure from the international community, both South Africa and SWAPO agreed to a Western-formulated plan to bring Namibia to independence, but South Africa's withdrawal of its agreement again plunged the situation into uncertainty.
    The achievement of independence has been complicated by very deep and fundamental differences among all those immediately concerned about Namibia: the Namibians themselves, and particularly SWAPO; South Africa, which through its military might and police-state tactics has occupied the Territory in defiance of international law; the United Nations, which is the legal administrator of the Territory but which has been unable to eject South Africa; the Angolan Government, which is the chief supporter for SWAPO; the Great Powers, and particularly the Contact Group, whose economic, strategic, and political interests extend to Southern Africa; and the OAU, and particularly the Front-line States.
    So, this paper aims to summarize the political development of the Namibian issue and clarify the interaction of actors concerned about Namibia. This paper consists of four chapters: firstly, an overall survey of the Namibian issue as prologue; secondly, the way in which Namibia became a matter of international concern from the mandate to the 1960s; thirdly, the political development after the fall of the Caetano government in Portugal; and fourthly, the situation in the 1980s and the interaction of actors concerned about Namibia.
  • 佐藤 宏美
    国際法外交雑誌
    2018年 117 巻 1 号 1-24
    発行日: 2018/05/20
    公開日: 2024/01/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • グローバル・イシュー化と議論の欠落
    武内 進一
    アフリカ研究
    2001年 2001 巻 58 号 41-58
    発行日: 2001/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    ダイヤモンド原石の取引とアフリカの紛争をめぐる「紛争ダイヤモンド」問題は, 近年国際社会が熱心に議論するグローバル・イシューとなった。この問題は2000年になって急速に顕在化し, 年末には国連総会において全会一致で加盟国に取り組みを求める決議が採択された。国連の報告書やNGOの運動によって国際世論が盛り上がり, シエラレオネ問題の解決を進めたいイギリス政府, あるいは消費者運動を恐れる業界や生産国が取り組みに加わったことなどがその理由である。しかし, 現在の「紛争ダイヤモンド」をめぐる議論では, ダイヤモンドとアフリカの紛争をめぐる問題が部分的にしか扱われていない。そこではアンゴラとシエラレオネにおける反政府勢力の活動を抑えることに主眼が置かれているが, コンゴのように状況が複雑な地域に対する取り組みは遅れている。さらに, ダイヤモンドを武器購入や民間軍事会社への支払いに充当するアフリカ各国政府の行動については, 深刻な問題を内包するにもかかわらず, ほとんど議論されていない。「紛争ダイヤモンド」問題が, 脆弱な国家における公的な資源の管理・開発という論点と繋がっていることを忘れるべきではない。
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