The aim of the present paper is to analyze the process by which one family, the Sasaki-Nagatas, took control of transportation points on Lake Biwa during the Japan's late medieval period. The discussion proceeds in terms of the idea of "transportation patterns", a concept for clarifying the formation and substance of inter-regional exchange. Beginning in the sengoku era and continuing into the regime of Oda Nobunaga, the Nagata family was able to control through its extended family ties the major points of water transportation. on the shores of Lake Biwa, including Katsuno 勝野, Funaki 舟木, Sugaura 菅浦, Okushima 奥嶋, Okishima 沖島. There are five reasons why. First, the families main estate, Otowa-no-Sho 音羽荘 in Takashima-gun 高島郡, had functioned from ancient times as the major point of transportation on the Lake. Secondly, the family belonged to the TakaShima-Shichigashira 高島七頭, an alliance of local powerful proprietors (kokujin 国人) based on the Lake's western shore. Thirdly, the family maintained strong ties with the such elite powers of the period as the Muromachi Bakufu, the Rokkaku 六角 family, which was the Bakufu's appointed protector of Omi province, Enryakuji 延暦寺 temple, Oda Nobunaga himself, and Honganji 本願寺 temple. Next, the family aggressively built contacts with the major transporters in Omi Province. Finally, despite all of the above affiations with various influential powers, the family, both its main line and branches, maintained very close internal ties. One very important point is the fact that one branch of the Nagata family became vassals of the Rokkaku family, which enabled the Nagatas to advance to the east end of the Lake and eventually expand its proprietary holdings and base of operations.. Also important is the fact that the branch who became Rokkaku vassals maintained mutual ties with the west end Nagata main family line (who had pledged allegiance to the Bakufu) throughout the Sengoku era. It was this set of circumstances that formed the means by which. the Nagata extended family could control water tranportation points on both the east and west shores of the Lake and thus consolidate its power in the region. It was in this manner that the Nagata family formed a network linking its extended members and various influential groups by means of water transportation on Lake Biwa. As a result, no superior, despotic political power was able to establish a hold on sengoku era Omi Province. Rather, the province was ruled by locally-based holders of proprietary rights (zaichi-ryoshu 在地領主) who were equipped with the ability to negotiate with each other for the purpose of maintaining multi-directional relationships and holding their rivals in check. These characteristics also seem to be Common to such early medieval period zaichi-ryoshu of the Kinai area and western Japan as the Watanabe family of Settsu Province and the Yuasa family of Kii Province, and those who Controlled wider areas of distribution, like the Ship owner/merchant of Ise, Shima Domyo. Therefore, the Nagata family represents a specific type of late medieval jocally based proprietor that expanded its area of influence by aggressive1y exploiting opportunities related to water transportation.

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This paper attempts to elucidate the gozensata 御前沙汰 proceedings during the late Muromachi era centering on Ashikaga Yoshiharu's regime, by analyzing two documents, tenikki 手日記 and ikenjo 意見状. The gozensata proceedings during this time worked as follows. When a suit was instituted, a group of bugyoshu 奉行衆 tried the case. Following this, the results of the trial and other information were announced to the shogun through the naidanshu 内談衆, the staff closest to him. The naidanshu was authorized to report their collective views about a variety of topics to the shogun. Until these collective views were compiled by the naidanshu, they had to undergo one of at least three types of proceedings. Once a consensus was reached, a nichigyoji 日行事, an official appointed from among the naidanshu, made a final draft of the collective statement in the form of a tenikki and reported it to the shogun. The naidanshu seems to have reported such consensus opinions whenever it liked. However, these views did not restrict the shogun's discretion, and the shogun had every power to reject any tenikki. Now, if a tenikki was a report from the naidanshu to the shogun, an ikenjo was a sort of report prepared by the bugyoshu, hereditary legal officials in the shogunate. Hiroshi Kasamatsu has analyzed these ikenjo records and voiced his view that the outcome of the shogunate proceedings during the late Muromachi era came to depend largely on the bugyoshu. However, a close look at gozensata records dating back to that time reveals some cases where the shogun rejected an ikenjo half-way during a trial and made a decision on his own. And it is difficult to say that the submission of an ikenjo "became a universal formality". Moreover, in the formality of report submission, it has been surmised that it was not the bugyoshu but the shogun (and the naidanshu) that took the leadership. For these reasons, the author cannot help but challenge Kasamatsu's view. However, it is true that an "ikenjo-centered principle" was on the rise in the shogunate during the late Muromachi era. It may be surmised that this is because of the following: in order for the shogunate to survive the serious political unrest during the late Muromachi era, it was essential for the shogunate to make itself more reliable as a dispute arbitrator. And, to that end, it had become vital to leave all decisions to ikenjo statements issued by the bugyoshu, who were legal experts, rather than the shogun and naidanshu. However, letting all decisions depend on ikenjo would have denied the shogun's discretion. In order to avoid this, one preventive measure was taken. While the rise of the "ikenjo-centered principle" resulted in some restrictions on the shogun's power to reject an ikenjo, provision was made to allow the leadership in handling the ikenjo to be taken not by the bugyoshu but by the shogun (and the naidanshu). This measure maintained the shogun's discretion somewhat. It is true that respect for the ikenjo was originally incompatible with the shogun centered principle, but the above preventive measure balanced these two elements in the gozensata proceedings during the late Muromachi era, thus keeping them somewhat compatible.

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1959 (昭和34) 年の「大坂城総合学術調査」において, 現大阪城が豊臣秀吉創建のものではなく, すべて江戸時代初期の徳川幕府による築造であることが判明した. またこの調査により, 本丸天守台南側で地下深く埋れた石垣が発見された. その後, ガスや水道の埋設管敷設に係わる調査において, いくつかの地下石垣が発見された. 特に, 1984 (昭和59) 年に行われた大手前配水池南側の調査において, 大規模な石垣垣の隅角部が発見された. これらの地下石垣は地上の石垣とは規模も積み方も異なり, 豊臣時代の大坂城ではないかと考えられている. 本研究では, 筆者らが提示している数値評価法を用いて, この地下石垣の特徴について考察するとともに, 石垣構築の技術的な面から構築年を推定した.

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In this study, article, the author investigates the meaning that commands issued by the Ashikaga Shoguns had for the daimyo during the Warring States period from two perspectives: the relationship between them out of "utilization and restriction", and the mutual relationship of confrontation among daimyo focusing primarily on those of Western Japan as well as the nature of the effect that trends in such commands had on the behavior. In other words, (1) even during this period, daimyo required a stable relationship with the Shogun due to various circumstances such as the need to obtain legitimacy and to keep hostile forces in check and there was a tendency for them to take advantage of the shogun. (2) While they took advantage of this relationship with the Shogun, however, daimyo were also subjected to various restrictions such as the need to honor the commands of the Shogun (or, the need to honor the wishes of third parties through such commands). This made the commands of the Shogun an important tool in diplomatic relations with daimyo as confrontations between them broadened in scale and increased in complexity during the period. (3) In addition, Daimyo in the Kinki area (Kinai) gained the ability to control these commands by cooperating in the existence of the Shogun and, thereby, promoted collaboration with various other daimyo through the commands, which had become an important tool in the diplomatic relations between daimyo or secured opportunities for them to exercise influence over other daimyo. Various factors such as (1)? (3) above acted to further draw many more daimyo to the side of the Shogun, even after the advent of the Warring States, becoming a factor in the maintenance of a certain degree of influence by the Shogun over the daimyo. This influence of the Shogun on the Daimyo was extremely useful for the daimyo in their diplomatic strategies and was an authority unique to the Shogun on a dimension completely different from the control of the daimyo over their territories. It was therefore not easy for the daimyo to acquire such authority. However, by backing the Shogun, Oda Nobunaga succeeded in gaining the influence 'that the Shogun had over the daimyo and, while gradually exercising that influence, he moved ahead with the task of unifying the nation.

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COVID-19は、全世界の経済を凍結した。この災害は、見方を変えると、従来の経済のパラダイムを革新する契機であると考えることができる。従来の経済の反省点は、環境破壊、貧富の差の拡大、そして廃棄物の山積をもたらし、SDGs運動を世界規模で巻き起こした点である。その要因は、近代の欧米経済が、排他的競争ゲームを促進してきたからと考える。道徳なき金融偏重主義は、世界レベルで大きな問題を引き起こすことが証明されたと考える。本論文の目的は、日本の古来の求心的共創経済を欧米の経済理論に折衷して、進化、持続する健全な経済を実現する経営法の研究である。その一案として、戦わずして集客できる求心的商品開発と、その核となる感動仕様の実現、そして、金融偏重を予防する道徳を経営体系に組み込むことで可能であることを示した。

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