In Asia, many governments have clearly denied the existence of indigenous peoples for the past few decades. This is because the concept of indigenous peoples has been an unfortunate offspring and they have been real victims of European imperialism and colonialism. In particular, according to some Asian governments’ views including China, India, and Bangladesh, in Asia, all the peoples would have been the indigenous peoples like all the original peoples of American countries and Oceanian ones. In other words, it means that there are no indigenous peoples in Asia.

Regardless of the governmentsʼ views, in Asia, many ethnic groups have declared themselves to be “indigenous peoples”, and have actively campaigned for enjoying their indigenous peoplesʼ rights in every country and in international society. The indigenous peoples of Asia have successfully built their national organizations in Taiwan, the Philippines, Nepal, Thailand and Indonesia since the 1980s. Since the 1990s, some regional organizations of Asia have been established in order to struggle for protecting indigenous knowledge and their rain-forests, and utilizing the UN human rights bodies and mechanism. As a result, some indigenous experts of Asia have played an active role as members of the UN bodies such as the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PFII) and the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP) established in 2002 and 2008 respectively.

The concept building of indigenous peoples of Asia must include reviewing the national history and the “geo-body (space recognition)” of the modern nation-state from the perspective of two terms, “effective rule” and “tribute system”. In pre-modern Asia, a country had a sense of boundary of its “effective rule” area, but on the outside of the area there was a vast world of smaller countries and peoples which had a relationship with it in a “tribute system”, a unique diplomatic system of Asia. That is to say, the pre-modern Asian countries had no sense of a “border line” that was clearly invented by European countries. In the border-line negotiations among modern nation-states in Asia, many of them suddenly started to insist on their right to territory of the outside countries and peoples. For example, the Ainu people and the Ryukyuan/Okinawan people had traditionally lived on the outside of Japanese “effective rule” area until 1869 and 1879 respectively. Besides the Thai border police first contacted the indigenous mountain peoples in Northern Thailand in order to rule them effectively in 1953. The indigenous peoples of Asia had originally lived in “horizontally remote areas” or “vertically remote areas (mountain or high land areas)” on the outside of the “effective rule” area of the modern nation-state for a long time. And since “effective rule” reached their own territories, they have been forced to be under colonialism and a forced assimilation policy, deprived of their land and resources, and denied their own culture, social system and their existence itself under discrimination. This is the proper reason why they declare themselves to be indigenous peoples in the international context.

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The geographical recording of the Former Han Dynasty refers to a people called Tung-t'i, living far off the coast of Hui-chi province, south of the mouth of the Yang-tse River. In the following Three Kingdoms Age, we find the names of islands I and T'an, to the former of which the kingdom of Wu sent an expeditionary force and captured there thousands of natives, having been unable to reach the latter island. The T'an Island being supposed to be the Hainan Island, the I Island would possibly be Formosa, as Dr. S. ICHIMURA suggests. And the letter in question was pronounced tei beides i at least in the Later Han Dynasty, and it may be not improbable, as Dr. K. SHIRATORI remarks, that the island Tungt'i, tung being the "east", corresponds with the island I. However, the present author thinks that both Tung-t'i and I were the names of fictitious islands in the southeastern sea and the name of the island I was applied to Formosa, when the force of the Wu Kingdom landed there. For three centuries, from the Three kingdoms Age to the Sui Dynasty, there was no allusion to Formosa in the Chinese recordings. In Sui-shu, we find a more or less minute description on the Liu-ch'iu, where the force of the Sui Dynasty invaded and captured thousands of natives. Dr. ICHIMURA points out a noteworthy coincidence between the description of this island and that of the I Island. There have been much debates as to whether this Liu-ch'iu was Formosa or Okinawa, or whether the informations about these two islands were confused each other in the Chinese recording of the Sui Dynasty. Anyhow, the vocabulary of the native in the Sui-shu, deciphered by Dr. SHIRATORI, suggests an affinity with the Indonesian languages. Without doubt, Liu-ch'iu in this case was Formosa. During the Tang and Sung Dynasties, Formosa was rarely referred to and was regarded as a home of furious headhunters. Chao Ju-kua, a geographer and a superintendent for the marchant shipping in the province of Fu-chien, wrote : "in Liu-ch'iu there are no particular products, and the natives have a liking for piracy, and so few marchants go there." In his famous Chu-fan-chih, we find for the first time the name of P'eng-hu, the islands lying between Formosa and the Continent. The biography of Wang Ta-you, a governer of Ts'uan-chou (Fu-chien Province), also of the Southern Sung Dynasty, referred to an event that the Visayan of the Philippines invaded P'ing-hu and the coast of Ts'uan-chou. As Dr. T, FUJITA suggests, this P'ing-hu seems to be P'eng-hu. Later in the Mongol Age, the settlement of Chinese immigrants was recorded there. Meanwhile, informations about Formosa became better in the Mongol Age : besides a punitive expeedition toward the natives, various trading articles between China and Formosa were enumerated. At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, an envoy was despatched to Liu-ch'iu. Presumably he thought it more preferable not to go to the barbarous Formosa at his peril, but to Okinawa instead, because he had visited Japan beforehand and might have been informed of Okinawa through some of Japanese. Since then, the name of Liu-ch'iu became applied especially to Okinawa was called Great hiu-ch'iu, and Formosa Little Liu-ch'iu or Tung-fan. In the later half of the Ming Dynasty, various place-names in Formosa, such as Wang-kang, Tayuan, Ta-kuo and Ta-hui in the southern part and Chi-lung and Tan-shui in the northern part, were known to the Chinese. Nevertheless, the Ming government did not regard Formosa a part of the Chinese dominion. When the Dutch occupied Peng-hu, the Ming government demanded them to remove to Formosa and to settle wherever they prefer in the island. The modern history of Formosa begins with the Dutch occupation thereof.

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With the focus on the shopping street, this study tries to search and analyze the influences of province on theevaluation of shopping streetscape in Tainan. Through questionnaires of streetscape-consciousness, acomparison of landscape of shopping street is made. According to the result, the provincial difference occurredon1980s more than on1930s, when compared with1930s streetscape-consciousness and1980s streetscapeconsciousness.In particular, “Benshen” and “Waishen” tend to have different view in monotony of the1930sstreetscape, and “Benshen” and “Keja” tend to have different view in familiarity of the 1980s streetscape. Thesedifferences may be caused due to the change in the attitude of “Benshen” toward the environment of cities in Taiwan.

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The China maps published in Japan during the Edo Period were the republications of the maps made in China. However, at the end of the Edo Period the China maps which reprinted the ones made in the Western countries were published in Japan.

One of them was “Map of Daishin Itto Zu” on which German origin and Shibata's manuscripts were written in. While trying to find the origin of the map, the author reached the conclusion that the common belief of previous research was a mistake. A new fact came out. The origin of “Map of Daishin Itto Zu” was a copy of a Chinese version of “Map of the Chinese Empire” attached to the book “The Middle Kingdom”, （first edition, 1847, NY）. “Map of the Chinese Empire” was the result of modern China drawings edited by Samuel W. Williams, an evangelist, who lived in China for 40 years.

Ginkou Kishida who got acquainted with Samuel W. Williams through J.C. Hepburn, valued “Map of the Chinese Empire” and bought the printing blocks of Shibata's “Map of Daishin Itto Zu”.

After correcting some mistakes he published “Map of Daishin Itto Zu” and then adding some place names related to Taiwan troops in 1874, he published “支那全図（Map of the Entire China）”.

Also in 1894 when the relation of China and Japan got worse because of war, the city maps of Shanghai and Beijing were inserted and the revised “清国輿地全図（Map of Qing Dynasty）” was published.

“Map of Daishin Itto Zu” was a revolutionary one but after “亜細亜東部輿地図（Map of East Asia）” was published in 1875 and “亜細亜全図（Map of the entire Asia）” was published in 1884, its role was over. It was these ten years that “The Middle Kingdom” by Samuel W. Williams was revalued and in 2005 it was translated into Chinese for the first time.

The author is looking forward to finding the Chinese version of “Map of Daishin Itto Zu” in the near future.

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政治小説は、坪内逍遙の「小説神髄」の登場とともに、最早、独自の表現世界を開拓することなく終わったのか。本稿では、むしろ自由民権運動の末期から始まる新たな表現世界に注目し、政治小説の命脈を考えてみたい。それは、「小説神髄」が設定した近代小説とは相違する表現世界のはずである。

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The modern history of Formosa, as an integral part of World history, began at the period when Western nations made their appearance in the South Seas and when Chinese and Japanese were also active there. The shift in the appellation of this island is somewhat indicative of the vicissitude in international relations around it. Important are such namea as Takasago, Taiwan and Formosa. The name Takasago given by Japanese has gone out of use for long, because of the Japanese policy of self-seculusion in Tokugawa Era, whereas Taiwan by Chinese and Formosa by European remain still in general use. The so-called baccaneers in the Chinese documents had a more or less important role in the history of Formosa. In fact, they were mainly traders, among whom the CHENG 鄭 family of the 17th century was an outstanding figure. Among the Westerners of the South Seas, the Hollanders were the first to secure a footing on the island. It was in 1624 when they were persuaded by Chinese authority not to occupy the P'eng-hu 澎湖 islands lying between Formosa and the Continent, and to remove to Formosa that was not under the Chinese dominance. Thus the Hollanders built their fort at Taijouan (Anping) on the southwestern coast of this island, and, after having driven the Spaniards out of northern Formosa, they took possession of the whole island. Now they could concentrate themselves in the development of industry and trading. They tried to promote the production of rice and sugar and also the exploitation of gold, sulphur, and skin of deers in which the Western plain of the island abounds at that time. Before long, the island of Formosa became their treasury in the Far East. The Dutch dominance came to an end with the invasion of a troop headed by CHENG Cheng-kung 鄭成功 whose family in turn ruled there for three generations covering twenty-three years. Having been unable to cope with the growing power of the Manchu Dynasty, however, the Cheng government surrendered in 1683 to the Manchu forces under command of General SHIH lang 施琅. It is told that the Manchu authorities had an intention to give up the island and even to remove the immigrants to the Continent, though such a plan was not put into operation because of a strong opposition on the part of SHIH Lang. In view of maintaining public order, the Manchu government had truly put some restriction at first upon the Chinese immigrants who were occasionally rebellious. However, such a restriction was not strictly observed, and the Chinese were streaming more and more into the island ; particularly in and after the era of Chienlung 乾隆 (1736-95), they increased rapidly in number. Generally speaking, these immigrants cleared the land without any permission on the part of the authorities, and this caused grave frictions with aboriginal inhabitants mainly of the west plain of the island. Of these immigrants, the Fukienese came earlier than the Cantonese (Hakkas) and the former occupied main part of fertile plain, while the latter tended to distribute in foothill zone. They were at variance each other according to the affiliation respectively with the mutually antagonistic districts or clans of their homeland, thus leading not infrequently to civil war. In addition, Formosa inhabited by these immigrants was so notorious for insurrection that there was a popular saying : "a small revolt in three years and a big revolt in five years". On the other hand, the pressure of the Western powers upon the Manchu dynasty in its later days became grave more and more, and after the Opium War, the island was opened to Western nations for trade. Among the main exports there were tea and sulphur of the north and sugar of the south of the island, while opium and miscellaneous goods ranked among the main imports. It was true, however, that the growing contact with the Westerners tended to accelerate anti-foreign and anti-Christian trends among both general people

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