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  • 田口 正樹
    法制史研究
    2017年 66 巻 364-369
    発行日: 2017/03/30
    公開日: 2023/01/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 櫻井 康人
    史学雑誌
    2003年 112 巻 9 号 1516-1541
    発行日: 2003/09/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, the relationship between the king and the clergy changed from a mutually dependent to an independent one by the 1130s.However, after that time, they continued to tie up with each other in the area of repairing the disorder which had resulted from power struggles involving the king.The main aim of this essay is to consider the following questions.Was such a relationship reflected in the sphere of politics within the kingdom?Can we understand the background of such a relationship through investigationg that sphere?An analysis of charters reveals that the king and the clergy had sepatated from each other also in the area of domestic administration during the 1130-40s.There were three changes in the background of this separation : the division of secular and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the 1120s, the activation of clergy as ambassadors to Western Christendom(that is, their removal from the domestic to the diplomatic sphere), and the removal of royal city from Jerusalem to Acre in the 1140s.In spite of these changes, we must not fail to notice that specific clergy members kept close relationships with the king and played an active role in both the domestic and diplomatic sphere.It is true that some of them ,for example Radulfus, the bishop of Bethlehem, and Whilermus, the archbishop of Tyre, maintained personal relationships with king, but on the whole, most of them had bishoprics that had been established under royal authority.Furthermore, such bishops had the advantage of being able to move with comparative ease.Under conditions peculiar to the kingdom, such as the threat of Muslims attack and a lack of man-power, mobility could be a decisive factor in forming the political structure.So, we should consider that differences in mobility makes a difference in understanding the whole structure of the kingdom.However, we must pay attention to the point that the purpose of participation in military or missionary activities itself was to defend the Holy Land.The clergy cooperated with the king to defend the Holy Land and the maintain it's order.Thus, it should be emphasized that the clergy supported the king because the king was a military leader of the Holy Land, and as a result, supported him as a feudal sovereign.
  • 仲松 優子
    史学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 9 号 1727-1728
    発行日: 2014/09/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 関沼 耕平
    史学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 9 号 1726-1727
    発行日: 2014/09/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • オリエンタリズムとアラブ・イスラーム知識人の歴史認識
    上山 益己
    西洋史学
    2005年 218 巻 37-
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2022/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 秋山 哲
    共生科学
    2015年 6 巻 6 号 126-135
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2019/06/17
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Judaism, Christianity and Islam are monotheism. Each religion claims that its God is the real God. When we read the Bible and the Quran carefully however, we understand that the origin of each God is the God of Judaism. Christians believe in the Trinity, which means the God consists of the God of Old Testament, Jesus and the Holy Spirit. According to the Quran, Mohammed thought that the true believer was Abraham and the God of Abraham is Allah. Although three religions have a long history of disputes and struggles against each other, and there still is rivalry in the Middle East between Israel and Arab nations, they have believed in the same God. Therefore, I do not think that symbiosis of the three monotheism religions is impossible. The God himself will intervene into these three religions which believe in him.
  • 長谷川 秀樹
    日仏社会学会年報
    2022年 33 巻 31-42
    発行日: 2022/11/30
    公開日: 2024/02/12
    ジャーナル フリー

    Les Maronites sont chrétiens des églises catholiques orientales. On dit que leur origine est à Antioche, côte levantine de la Méditerranée, remonte au Ve siècle. Et à nos jours on peut compter plus de trois millions de Maronites dans le monde et la plupart d'entre eux sont libanais et leur diaspora dans le monde. Historiquement, la France avait été profondément impliquée à leur protection, garde et asile contre des sièges, attaques et massacres, et elle a fait de leur terres (Liban et Syrie actuels) son mandat dans la première moitié du XXe siècle. Montréal, deuxième grande ville du Canada, et francophone dans le monde après Paris, est une terre d'exode dans le monde pour les Maronites. On observe que le premier immigré maronite au Canada est un homme libanais en 1882. Cependant le flux des immigrés libanais maronites est plutôt après la guerre du Liban 1975-1990, confrontations interconfessionnelle. Canada, surtout Québec a positivement accueuilli des Maronites parce qu'ils avaient été bien integrés à la société montréalaise et québécoise avec la base francophone et catholique. Certes dans les années 80, plusieurs églises maronites ont été construites dans l'agglomération de Montréal au milieu de la décléricalisation, on peut observer une affirmation religieuse parmi des Canadiens dont l'origine libanaise, mais en même temps, quelques associations «libanaises» également ont été fondées dans la ville de Montréal et un des leurs objets est la solidarité interconfessionnelle pour des immigrés libanais et la patrie. On peut penser que leur situations et activités actuelles est une nouvelle forme de « l'intégration » qui serait differente de celle en France (républicaine), au Canada (multiculturale), et au Québec (interculturelle). 影

  • 『コミュニケーションから読む中近世ヨーロッパ史―紛争と秩序のタペストリー― 』に寄せて
    河原 温  
    西洋史学
    2017年 263 巻 49-
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2022/05/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 櫻井 康人
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 8 号 1502-1527,1637-
    発行日: 2001/08/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 直江 眞一
    史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 5 号 911-915
    発行日: 2004/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田口 正樹
    法制史研究
    2018年 67 巻 302-308
    発行日: 2018/03/30
    公開日: 2023/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 12世紀前半シリアの勢力構図の変動
    中村 妙子
    オリエント
    2006年 49 巻 2 号 70-90
    発行日: 2006年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Byzantine emperor John II made Syrian expeditions twice, in the 1130s and 1140s. From the beginning of the twelfth century, the Syrian cities and the Crusader States preserved the balance of power through economic agreements and military alliances. However, Zangi, ruler of Aleppo, refused to maintain this balance-of-power policy and started to advance southward in Syria to recover lost territories from the Crusaders and obtain farmland which was under Damascus' rule. John carried out his expedition at this time.
    John compelled Raymond of Poitiers, the consort of the heiress of Antioch, to become his liege vassal. John and Raymond agreed that Raymond would hand Antioch over to John in return for cities, currently in Muslim hands, which John would capture leading a joint Byzantine-Crusader army. But Raymond had John attack cities whose power Raymond himself wanted to reduce. Also, as the nobility of Antioch, who had come from south Italy, had influence over Raymond, John could not appoint a Greek Orthodox cleric as patriarch of Antioch. Furthermore, an encyclical issued by Pope Innocent II stating that all Latins serving in the Byzantine army were forbidden to attack Christians in Crusader States, forced John to reduce his claims on Antioch, being conscious of the West's eyes. John even sent messengers to Zangi investigating the possibility of forming an alliance with him if the nobility of Antioch rejected him.
    John's Syrian expeditions largely changed the balance of power in Syria and made Zangi's advance in southern Syria easy. Zangi recaptured his lost territories, just after John retreated from besieging Shaizar, where Zangi had confronted him. The Byzantine threat and the reputation which Zangi gained as a strong leader made Damascus yield him Hims, which would be a base for his further advance southward in Syria.
  • 中村 妙子
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 12 号 2129-2162
    発行日: 2000/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the first half of the 12th century, Syrian cities entered into various kinds of agreements with the Crusaders who had secured their settlements in Syria, thus regarding these westerners as one of the local powers. Many economic agreements were concluded in the from of the appendix to a truce and were mainly in terms of an offer of money and horses, tribute, division of produce and public security on the main roads. Both the Syrian cities and the Crusaders considered these agreements as a economic policy in order to secure the produce from limited farm land and obtain commercial rights. Most of the agreemetns were renewed by occasional negotiation and bargaining, though we find abrogations and changes in conditions reflecting the balance of power. Military alliances were sometimes formed during the jihads, which were fundamentally the opposite of military alliances. Syrian cities merely used the jihad as a poicy to protect their own territory and even to weaken an opposing city. It was the same with the Saljuqid Sultan. They used military alliances and the jihads to ensure their own political stability and keep other powers from expanding. Syria was politically fragmented and had no dominant power. All the Syrian cities, including the Crusader States, maintained power by the economic agreements and conserved the balance of power through military alliances and the jihads. However, Aleppo in Northern Syria had been in a state of war for a long time, and its arable land had been reduced. Moreover, its balance of power policy, mostly agreements on division of produce, led to the financial crisis in Aleppo. To overcome these difficulties, the citizens of Aleppo tried to introduce a strong power from al-Jazira, but two of the three new al-Jazira rulers employed the same balance of power policy using both agreements and jihads, which caused distress in Aleppo to continue. It was the third ruler, Zangi, who began to break this balance of co-existence and confrontation. He aimed at the farm land of Southern Syria asa source of compensating the increase in war expenditure caused by his refusal to maintain the balance of power policy. He was a common enemy to both Damascus and the Crusaders, who had coexisted based on the agreements on division of produce from the farm land lying between them. They formed the military alliances to oppose Zangi.
  • 小川 直之
    フランス語フランス文学研究
    2008年 92 巻 155-168
    発行日: 2008/03/21
    公開日: 2017/08/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    Il s'agit d'un double feuillet de parchemin bien probablement du debut du XIV^e siecle. Ce feuillet, dont la partie superieure est entamee, contient un fragment de prose francaise en 236 lignes lisibles. Il a ete trouve chez un marchand de curiosites parisien. Le texte du fragment raconte une page de la guerre que les barons de Chypre sous le commandement de Jean d'Ibelin ont faite a Frederic II du Saint-Empire romain : il decrit, par exemple, la bataille de Casal Imbert qu'il date du mardi 3 mai 1232. Nous y avons reconnu la Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, appelee aussi l'Histoire d'Eracles ; le recit du fragment correspond, en effet, au texte qu'on trouve dans les chapitres 27-36 du 33e livre de cette chronique editee par l'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres (Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens occidentaux, t. II, Paris, 1859). A la suite de la comparaison entre les lecons du fragment et celles des manuscrits utilises par l'edition de notre appui, nous avons etabli la filiation du fragment par rapport au ms. B. N. fr. 9082, qui a ete, par ailleurs, ecrit en 1295 a Rome. Les variantes donnees par le fragment ne sont generalement pas importantes, mais il y en a une, au moins, qui merite reflexion en ce sens qu'elle peut nous permettre de dater la production du fragment. Dans le present article, nous nous sommes limite a editer certains passages du fragment ; l'edition complete du texte sera presentee ailleurs. Et nous voudrions manifester toute notre gratitude au professeur Naoyuki Fukumoto, qui nous a aide a faire nos recherches sur ce fragment.
  • 山辺 規子
    史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 5 号 915-924
    発行日: 2004/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • エジプトにおける西方イスラム世界出身のウラマーの活動
    湯川 武
    オリエント
    1979年 22 巻 2 号 57-74
    発行日: 1979年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    One of the characteristic features of the medieval ‘ulama’ was their high geographical mobility. Pilgrimage, travelling for academic purposes and commercial activities, sometimes a combination of some or all of these, were its important factors while many ‘ulama’ were attracted for better job opportunities in other places.
    A need for Sunni ‘ulama’ in Egypt was first created by Saladin when he destroyed the Fatimids and began to rebuild Sunnism in Egypt. During the Ayyubid and early Mamluk period more ‘ulama’ flowed into Egypt from different parts of the Islamic world. Among them were many from the Islamic West. Even during the Fatimid period there was a connection between Western and Egyptian ulama i n the fields of hadith and Maliki law studies.
    Those Western ‘ulama’ can be classified into two types; one was the transit type and the other the settler type. Those belonging to the first contributed to the exchange of scholarship, bringing to Egypt some of Western achievements and back home more knowledges and skills from the East. But more important was their contribution to the promotion of the general feeling of Islamic unity and solidarity by teaching the population both of Egypt and the West through their contacts with local ‘ulama’ and their other travelling experiences in other lands.
    The contributions of the second type was more concrete; many Maliki fuqaha' who came to Egypt and lived there permanently played a significant role in establishing the Maliki law school there by working as teachers and sometimes as qadis. In other fields of scholarship, many individual scholars from the West made great contributions; to name a few, al-Shatibi in the qira'a, al-Qurtubi in the tafsir and Abu Hayyan in the philology. Another point we cannot neglect is that the western ‘ulama’ in Egypt were mostly Sufi is or zahids and helped the diffusion of sufism in Egypt.
    All in all, they were the beneficiaries of the general feeling of Islamic unity and they themselves in turn strived to promote and materialize this feeling.
  • 吉村 貴之
    ロシア史研究
    2000年 67 巻 45-60
    発行日: 2000/10/14
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • [記載なし]
    史学雑誌
    2013年 122 巻 1 号 142-121
    発行日: 2013/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1982年 91 巻 1 号 114-142
    発行日: 1982/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山内 進
    京都ユダヤ思想
    2017年 8 巻 33-78
    発行日: 2017/06/24
    公開日: 2022/12/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
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