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  • 黄 昭堂
    アジア研究
    1966年 13 巻 1 号 63-81
    発行日: 1966年
    公開日: 2014/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アジアの民族と国家 東南アジアを中心として
    黄 昭堂
    国際政治
    1987年 1987 巻 84 号 62-79,L9
    発行日: 1987/02/20
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Taiwan has a population of 19 million, ranking in the top one-third among the 168 countries of the world. Taiwan enjoys economic prosperity symbolized by outstanding world trade which was 17th among the nations of the world in 1985. In reality, the name of the nation which exists on Taiwan is the “Republic of China”; however, this government refuses to consider the island of Taiwan as its only territory and has been struggling with the Peoples' Republic of China, both claiming the opposite side's territory as its own. The war in search of legitimacy still seems to be underway; but the will of the Taiwanese, who comprise 85% of the population of Taiwan, has been ignored for a long time. This article, which is a prelude to a forthcoming article, “The People and the Nation of Taiwan-Trends After the Second World War, ” gives the historical background of Taiwan; furthermore, it describes what the Taiwanese think about the people and the nation to which they belong.
    Taiwan was ruled by the Dutch, the Spanish, the Koxinga Dynasty and the Manchurian Ching Dynasty of the seventeenth century. The latest governing power lasted until 1895, when Taiwan was ceded to Japan. The native inhabitants of Taiwan were Malayo-Polynesians; they were joined by the Han immigrants from the Chinese mainland. At the end of the Dutch era, these two populations were balanced at about 40, 000 each. However, at the end of the Ching era, because the Hans continued to immigrate to Taiwan, the natives were out-numbered. Relations between the two groups were very poor, and even the Hans themselves failed to establish an identity as “Taiwanese” until the Japanese occupation in 1895.
    A Taiwanese consciousness was established among the Han inhabitants during the early period of Japanese occupation, perhaps because of the following: (1) resistance by force from 1895 to 1915 helped the Hans to create a “weconsciousness, ” (2) economic construction by the Japanese Taiwan Governor-General government brought communication infra-structures to the inhabitants (i. e., telephones, lengthened and widened roads and railways), (3) Japanese language instruction offered the inhabitants a mutual language; before this time, even the Hans in Taiwan were divided into two language groups.
    In the second decade of the 20th century, the Taiwanese political movement took over the position of resistance by force against Japanese rule. It was then that the idea of nationalism was introduced to Taiwan through the Chinese Nationalist Revolution in China in 1911. Thereafter, Han political leaders considered the Taiwanese to be a branch of the Chinese people; however, the native aborigines were still excluded. Although Han political leaders consider the Taiwanese to be a branch of the Chinese people, their idea has failed to gain support from the Taiwanese masses who consider themselves to be “Taiwanese.” The Taiwanese Communist Party established in 1928 also failed to appeal to the masses. Their slogan “Taiwanese nationalism” was not accepted. Since all of the political movements in Taiwan were oppressed by the Japanese authorities around the time of the Manchurian Incident in 1931, the Taiwanese consciousness failed to grow to form a “Taiwanese people.” The forced Japanization was accelerated until the Japanese surrender to the Allied Powers in 1945. The emergence of Taiwanese nationalism, in other words the formation of the “Taiwanese people, ” did not come about until their confrontation with the newly arrived ruler, the government of the Republic of China.
  • 向山 寛夫
    国際政治
    1972年 1972 巻 47 号 125-129
    発行日: 1972/12/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • (小特集:近現代中国・台湾をめぐる政治思想史研究の現在)
    薛 化元, 原 正人
    現代中国
    2022年 2022 巻 96 号 79-92
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/06/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 楊 舒淇
    ランドスケープ研究
    2004年 67 巻 5 号 403-406
    発行日: 2004年
    公開日: 2005/12/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    According to the owner of a garden, it will present very different garden culture. Lin Family Garden, in Banchou built from 1888 to 1893, is the representative traditional merchant garden of Taiwan. It is also the most conserved completely garden among the 48 traditional gardens of Taiwan. The purpose of this study is to make clear the social functions of this garden as a merchant garden during the Japanese Colonization. The events held in this garden during the Japanese Colonization were distilled from the newspapers published from 1898 to 1944. And the purpose, organizer, participant, progress, and place of events held in this garden were analyzed. The results revealed that garden parties, meetings, banquets, and poem salons were held in this garden for building the affiliation with the colonization government, for supporting the local events, and for the personal companionship. Moreover, it was open for the public from 1927, it was helpful for enhancing the reputation of Lin Family. Dinchin Hall zone is the center of social life in this garden because it was the most frequently used among seven zones of this garden. It was expected that the findings of this study can realize one part of garden culture of Taiwan.
  • 岡部 達味
    国際政治
    1972年 1972 巻 47 号 121-125
    発行日: 1972/12/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 春山 明哲
    アジア経済
    2019年 60 巻 4 号 27-56
    発行日: 2019/12/15
    公開日: 2019/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー HTML

    台湾史研究とはなにか,台湾史は誰がどのように書いてきたのか。この問いは日本による植民地統治と戦後の国民党政権による統治体制を経てきた台湾を対象とする歴史の研究にとって重要な意味を持つ。本稿は,この問題意識から,日本における台湾史研究の歴史と個性にアプローチすることを試みる。前半では,1895年から1945年までの帝国日本による台湾統治時期における,伊能嘉矩,岡松参太郎,矢内原忠雄及び台北帝国大学の研究者らによる研究のうち「里程標」というべき書物を取り上げ,歴史研究と植民政策論及び人類学の関係を検討する。ついで,帝国日本の「遺産」と戦後への「架け橋」という視点から,1945年前後の連続性と変化を検討する。後半では,1945年から現在までの時期を対象として,日本における台湾史研究の「再出発」の契機ともなった台湾人留学生の群像,それに知的刺激を受けた台湾近現代史研究会の活動,90年代の台湾の変化,日本台湾学会の設立から現在までの研究史を素描する。さいごに台湾史研究をめぐる史論と方法論についても触れ,台湾はどこに行くのかという問いへの始点とする。

  • 許 世楷
    史学雑誌
    1984年 93 巻 4 号 521-527
    発行日: 1984/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 武内 房司
    史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 5 号 791-798
    発行日: 1987/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 澁谷 由里
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 5 号 865-872
    発行日: 1999/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 台北を事例として
    黄 蘭翔
    都市計画論文集
    1992年 27 巻 13-18
    発行日: 1992/10/25
    公開日: 2019/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    THE HISTORY OF URBAN PLANNING IN TAIWAN DURING THE COLONIZED PERIOD, IS STUDIED WITH A VIEW THAT COLONIZATION ACCELERATED TAIWAN’S MODERNIZATION, OR WITH AN OPPOSIT VIEW, THAT THE URBAN PLANNING IS EXECUTED AS A METHOD OF PROFIT EXPRESSION USUALLY. THIS PAPER WILL TRY TO ELCIDATE THE CONFLIT POINTS. FOLLOWING RESULTS WERE OBTAINED, AT THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MANAGING, JAPAN GOVERNMENT OPERATED SEWERAGE WORKS AT THEIR RESIDENTIAL DISTRICT FOR REASONS OF SANITATION. SEVERAL YEARS AFTER, THEY PREPARED THE URBAN PLANNING LAW AND IMPROVED THE STREETS OF TAIWAN'S CITIES. THE HISTORICAL CITIES OF TAIWAN GOT A COMPLETE TRANSFORMATION AT THE VERY TEN YEARS DURING JAPAN COLONIZED IT.

  • 橋本 仁
    応用糖質科学:日本応用糖質科学会誌
    2015年 5 巻 4 号 191-197
    発行日: 2015/11/20
    公開日: 2019/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小黒 浩司
    図書館界
    2023年 75 巻 4 号 220-240
    発行日: 2023/11/01
    公開日: 2023/12/28
    ジャーナル フリー

     県立秋田図書館や県立山口図書館の館長として,日本の近代公共図書館発展の礎を築いた佐野友三郎は,図書館界に身を投じる前の1895年から1899年までの約5年間,草創期の台湾総督府に勤務していた。本稿では佐野が総督府の開設要員として台湾に渡り,幹部官僚として初期総督府行政を担っていたことを台湾総督府文書などからたどる。また総督府時代の経験が,その後の彼の人生に大きな影響を与えたとみられることを検証する。

  • アジア研究
    2015年 60 巻 2 号 106-119
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2015/01/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 10 号 1666-1683
    発行日: 1986/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本政治学会文献委員会
    年報政治学
    1971年 22 巻 251-263
    発行日: 1972/03/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東アジア3カ国比較
    沈 育萱, 有馬 淑子
    人間文化研究:京都先端科学大学人間文化学会紀要
    2024年 2024 巻 53 号 55-110
    発行日: 2024/11/30
    公開日: 2024/12/12
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
    本研究は,日本,台湾,中国,韓国の各文化圏における対人ネットワークが,留学生や海外勤務者の異文化適応過程にどのように影響を与えるかを検討するものである。第1研究では,2012年に実施された国際比較研究(EASS:East Asian Social Survey)のデータを用いて,東アジア4カ国の対人ネットワークの違い,とその対人ネットワークに影響を 与える要因を探索的に検討した。第2研究では,日本人・台湾人・中国人を対象としたインタビューを行い,どのような過程を経て異文化適応に到るのか,その心理的過程や文化的背景を検討しようとするものである。本研究の目的は,社会的ネットワーク形成傾向として示される文化的な差異が異文化適応に関わるとの仮説に基づき,日本に住む他国の人や海外に渡航する日本人の一助となる知見を得ることである。 第1研究と第2研究を通じて,互いに異なる対人ネットワークを持っていても,根気よく相手とのコミュニケーションすることさえできれば,異文化に適応することは可能だろう。「人に迷惑をかけてはいけない」のような距離感は日本人の礼儀の中に,生活の中に,子供の時から感化を受けて知らず知らずのうちに存在しているものと想像される。このよう に習慣化された思考を自ら意識して変化させていくには,やはり異文化に属する他者との長い時間をかけたコミュニケーションが必要になるだろう。
  • 中村 孝志
    民族學研究
    1954年 18 巻 1-2 号 113-122
    発行日: 1954/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー

    The modern history of Formosa, as an integral part of World history, began at the period when Western nations made their appearance in the South Seas and when Chinese and Japanese were also active there. The shift in the appellation of this island is somewhat indicative of the vicissitude in international relations around it. Important are such namea as Takasago, Taiwan and Formosa. The name Takasago given by Japanese has gone out of use for long, because of the Japanese policy of self-seculusion in Tokugawa Era, whereas Taiwan by Chinese and Formosa by European remain still in general use. The so-called baccaneers in the Chinese documents had a more or less important role in the history of Formosa. In fact, they were mainly traders, among whom the CHENG 鄭 family of the 17th century was an outstanding figure. Among the Westerners of the South Seas, the Hollanders were the first to secure a footing on the island. It was in 1624 when they were persuaded by Chinese authority not to occupy the P'eng-hu 澎湖 islands lying between Formosa and the Continent, and to remove to Formosa that was not under the Chinese dominance. Thus the Hollanders built their fort at Taijouan (Anping) on the southwestern coast of this island, and, after having driven the Spaniards out of northern Formosa, they took possession of the whole island. Now they could concentrate themselves in the development of industry and trading. They tried to promote the production of rice and sugar and also the exploitation of gold, sulphur, and skin of deers in which the Western plain of the island abounds at that time. Before long, the island of Formosa became their treasury in the Far East. The Dutch dominance came to an end with the invasion of a troop headed by CHENG Cheng-kung 鄭成功 whose family in turn ruled there for three generations covering twenty-three years. Having been unable to cope with the growing power of the Manchu Dynasty, however, the Cheng government surrendered in 1683 to the Manchu forces under command of General SHIH lang 施琅. It is told that the Manchu authorities had an intention to give up the island and even to remove the immigrants to the Continent, though such a plan was not put into operation because of a strong opposition on the part of SHIH Lang. In view of maintaining public order, the Manchu government had truly put some restriction at first upon the Chinese immigrants who were occasionally rebellious. However, such a restriction was not strictly observed, and the Chinese were streaming more and more into the island ; particularly in and after the era of Chienlung 乾隆 (1736-95), they increased rapidly in number. Generally speaking, these immigrants cleared the land without any permission on the part of the authorities, and this caused grave frictions with aboriginal inhabitants mainly of the west plain of the island. Of these immigrants, the Fukienese came earlier than the Cantonese (Hakkas) and the former occupied main part of fertile plain, while the latter tended to distribute in foothill zone. They were at variance each other according to the affiliation respectively with the mutually antagonistic districts or clans of their homeland, thus leading not infrequently to civil war. In addition, Formosa inhabited by these immigrants was so notorious for insurrection that there was a popular saying : "a small revolt in three years and a big revolt in five years". On the other hand, the pressure of the Western powers upon the Manchu dynasty in its later days became grave more and more, and after the Opium War, the island was opened to Western nations for trade. Among the main exports there were tea and sulphur of the north and sugar of the south of the island, while opium and miscellaneous goods ranked among the main imports. It was true, however, that the growing contact with the Westerners tended to accelerate anti-foreign and anti-Christian trends among both general people

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  • 松下 迪生, 石田 潤一郎
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2011年 76 巻 667 号 1693-1700
    発行日: 2011/09/30
    公開日: 2012/01/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to clarify buildings which were moved from cities in Japanese colonial Taiwan as parts of the Taiwan pavilion for the Fifth National Industrial Exhibition in 1903 in Osaka, Japan. This paper notes two of these buildings. Tokukei-do, originally a family's mausoleum in Tainan, was required for the site of shrine of Prince Kitashirakawa. The stage for dancing called Bugaku-do originally existed in the courtyard of the government office of the Qing Dynasty in Taipei, which was converted into Taiwan Governor's Office. These buildings which were moved from Taiwan appeared as a result of changes in appearance in cities in the early days of Japan's rule in Taiwan.
  • 戦後日本の国際政治学
    臼井 勝美, 安岡 昭男, 池井 優, 波多野 澄雄, 増田 弘, 宇野 重昭, 横山 宏章, 中見 立夫, 植田 隆子, 佐々木 雄太, 油井 大三郎, 福田 茂夫, 草間 秀三郎, 佐藤 信一
    国際政治
    1979年 1979 巻 61-62 号 2-107,L4
    発行日: 1979/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Japan Association of International Relations, which was established in 1956, considers one of its main objectives to contribute to the progress of the study of the history of international relations, in paticular to research into the history of Japanese diplomacy. Japan's Road to the Pacific War is a representative example of what can be done by the joint endeavour of this association.
    We would like to point out, as a specific characteristics of recent research on the history of international relations, firstly, a tendency to remove the limitations which are encountered by a study of so called “diplomatic history” in isolation from everything else.
    We would like to examine the change from the move traditional approaches, which have emphasized only bilateral or multilateral relations between states, to the more modern, original approaches. The interest of researchers will be to cover a wide area of historical phenomena, such as the political decision-making process, public opinion, economic pressure groups and the process of communication amongst other things.
    The second characteristic has been the flowering of collaborative reserch between Japanese and foreign scholars, and we are now receiving the excellent results of their labours. For instance, the conference at Lake Kawaguchi in 1969, the result of which was, “The history of Japanese-American Relations, 1931-41” is a representative example of this trend. However, it is regrettable that the participants in these collaborative research projects have been mainly limited to Japanese and American scholars. It is to be hoped that, in future, there will be further opportunities for collaborative research and conferences not only with American scholars, but also with scholars from China, England, Korea, the Soviet Union and South East Asia.
    We hope the future tendency of research will be for the themes of the role and limitation of the individual in international affairs, as well as the problem of individual responsibility, to become the common interest of scholars.
    We hope that, in future, the increasing variety of scholarship will not become merely scattered and diffused.
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