蛔虫感染源としての耕作地土壌に就き, それに混在する蛔虫卵の季節的清長を知るため, 一年間に亘り, 月毎に, 前橋市郊外の一農家の畑で, 畑種別に蛔虫卵検出を試みた.
(1) 1標本 (土壌5g) 平均の蛔虫卵総数は, 多い順に10-1月, 3月, 6月の3季に高い値を示し, 仔虫期卵数は, 10-1月並びに6月の2季に高度に検出された.
(2) 蛔虫卵総数に対する同仔虫期卵数の比率は, 夏期6月に最高値 (69.5%), 冬期2月に最低値 (0%) を示し, 春秋の候はその中間的な値を示した.
(3) 土壌内蛔虫卵検出曲線の6月の山は, 果菜類畑 (主としてとまと畑) に虫卵数が多かつたことに由来し, 秋期から冬期にかけての山は, 葉菜類畑 (菠薐草畑, 自菜畑, 葱畑等) 及び根菜類畑 (午蒡葵畑等) の土壌からの虫卵検出度が高かつたためである.
(4) 耕作後の土中虫卵数の減少傾向は, 比較的明瞭であつたが, 施肥と土壌内虫卵数, とくに総卵数との相関々係は, 自然耕作地に於ては, 春先施肥後の虫卵数の如く, 必らずしも明瞭ではないが, 全般的にみて秋, 冬期の施肥後の虫卵数のように増加するところが多かつた.

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The theory that the five-rank system, consisting of gong 公, hou 候, bo 伯, zi 子 and nan 男 bestowed by Zhou kings 周王 upon feudal lords actually existed can be seen in the classical scriptures and historical documents. In so far as we accept this theory, we therefore must consider that the Zhou kings, after their overthrow of the Yin 殷, reorganized their territorial domain and various 'tribes' once subjected to the Yin. Although the real existence of such a system is now in doubt, the reorganization of the ruling structure by the Zhou kings is accepted by the experts. This, however, will resort in a contradiction. Furthermore, even if the theory of the 'five-rank system' itself is a later fabrication, the reference in the bronze inscriptions to gong, hou, and bos, for example, suggests that that theory as a whole is a later fabrication. As a result of having examined this problem as seen in the Chun-qiu, one of the classical scriptures, the author has found that only in the case of the hou and bo are their founders in the main members of the Zhou royal family. He has also found that, on the other hand, many of the members of the Zhou royal family were given the titles of hou or bo. In addition, it is observed that after the middle of the Chun-qiu period there are many states whose historical background is unclear and yet begin to appear frequently on the historical scene and are given the title of zi. We should, therefore, say that the main purpose of early Zhou feudalization was to make the members of the Zhou royal family into hou or bo and was limited at most to assigning them to their respective feudal proprithorships. In other words, at the beginning of the Zhou we know from the bronze inscriptions that there existed the hou and bo who were enfeoffed by thd Zhou kings, as well as those hou and bo titles remaining from the Yin kings. This leads us to conclude that the reorganization of the Zhou ruling structure mentioned above was not carried out in such a way as to extend to the entire regions, "tribes", and "clans" under the rule of the Yin royal court.

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Duli Xingyi 独立性易 （Dokuryū Shōeki） went to Japan in exile at the time of the transition from the Ming to the Qing Dynasty, and became a monk in Japan. Therefore, his ideas have always been considered Buddhist or a unity of the Three Teachings. However, Duli’s Commentary on the Genkō shakusho 元亨釈書評閲, revealed here for the first time, suggests otherwise. It is a critique of the Buddhist history book Genkō shakusho 元亨釈書 and intensively reflects a Confucian standpoint and his views on Buddhism. First, I introduce the context in which Duli’s Commentary was written. Secondly, I illustrate that the Commentary is mainly a critique of the “Shichihyō” 資治表 chapter of the Genkō shakusho, criticized for its imitation of the writing style of the Spring and Autumn Annals 春秋, and attempts to demonstrate that Buddhism is helpful to governing. Thirdly, I analyze several typical excerpts that indicate that Duli not only believes that politics is the business of Confucianism, in which Buddhists should not participate, but also maintains that the corruption of government is precisely due to Buddhism. Therefore, although Duli was forced to become a monk, his thinking was still Confucian.

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The Kangakue 勧学会 ceremony, held in the mid-Heian period, was notable as a meeting of middle-class bureaucrats. Due to a decline in attendance and damage to the venue, the event ceased to exist. However, with the support of Fujiwara no Michinaga 藤原道長 （966–1027）, a powerful man of the time, the Kangakue was revived.

In a Chinese poem thanking him for his support, we read Michinaga’s words of warning. Michinaga says he passes on the old traditions of his predecessors. In a document in which Yoshishige Yasutane 慶滋保胤 （933–1002）, a leading figure in the Kangakue, calls on its members, importance is placed on the study of Buddhism and Confucianism on an equal footing. Michinaga took the same attitude and organised discussion meetings, and also praised the excellence of the debates. As a politician, Michinaga also actively engaged in debate.

Michinaga offered support for the Kangakue for the training of young politicians who could debate issues as he did.

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