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  • 岡田 みゆき
    日本家庭科教育学会誌
    1998年 41 巻 2 号 17-23
    発行日: 1998/07/01
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    The objective of this study is to make clear how extensively the patriarchalism spread through the public, and also to make clear the paternal authority that the common people thought of. The results were as follows: 1.The life of the common people was isolated from the patriarchalism. The civil code and textbooks in the Meiji era did not exert a powerful influence on the establishment of patriarchalism. 2.Most of the people that were educated with the textbooks in the Meiji era could not establish the paternal authority.
  • 堀江 湛
    選挙研究
    2005年 20 巻 35-43,224
    発行日: 2005/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    参議院の創設は,公選議員により組織されるという条件の下で,衆議院とは異なる選挙制度の導入によって議院内閣制の下における衆議院の過度の政党化と政策の激変を抑制しようとしたものであった。全国区では全国的各層有識者の選出が,地方区では都道府県を単位とする地方的名声を備えた有識者の選出が期待されていた。しかし,この期待は議院内閣制という構造のもつ力によって打ち砕かれていく。むしろ,全国区は金権選挙とタレント議員の登場で,地方区は人口移動に伴う1票の格差の増大で多くの弊害と批判を呼ぶことになる。世論の厳しい批判を受けて,1982年全国区を拘束名簿式比例代表制に,2000年にはこれを非拘束名簿式とする改革がなされたが,いずれもその運用において政権与党の党利党略で骨抜きにされている。参議院の選挙制度改革は,憲法上の参議院の位置づけの確定と,政治改革の実現を待って初めて実現するものである。
  • INF削減交渉に見る「ロン・ヤス」関係の帰結点
    瀬川 高央
    国際政治
    2011年 2011 巻 163 号 163_81-95
    発行日: 2011/01/20
    公開日: 2013/05/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines the Japan–U.S. cooperation in the Intermediate range Nuclear Forces (INF) reduction negotiation. The first section considers the perception of Japanese Government to INF problem. In March 1983, President Reagan tried to agree to the movement of SS-20 that Secretary-General Andropov had proposed. Andropov was going to reduce SS-20 in front of Europe, and to move this to Siberia. It meant the threat to Japan of SS-20 increased. In May 1983, Prime Minister Nakasone insisted on global zero of the INF in the Williamsburg summit. And, he supported NATO's Pershing II deployment. In addition, he stressed that the security of Japan–U.S.–Euro was inseparability. The purpose of Nakasone's speech was to have discontinued the movement of SS-20 of the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was not able to oppose the unity of G7 and abandoned the movement of SS-20. However, a more concrete settlement plan was necessary to remove SS-20 that had already been deployed from the Asia part.
    The second section explores a Japanese concrete reduction plan of SS-20 in the Asia part. In February 1986, Reagan informed Nakasone of INF reduction plan in the letter. Reagan was going to abolish SS-20 in the Europe part at the first stage. Moreover, Reagan described for it to reduce SS-20 in the Asia part by 50% at the first stage, and to aim at the further reduction at the second stage. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs prepared the alternative proposal for Reagan. The alternative proposal was warned of that Reagan's plan caused the reduction negotiation between Asia part SS-20 and the U.S. forward-deployed force. That is, it meant danger of ruining the basis of the Japan–U.S. alliance. Reagan accepted the Nakasone's alternative proposal and promised Asia part SS-20 abolition.
    The third section discusses the background to which Nakasone supported INF deployment in Alaska. In June 1987, Western European leaders controverted the problem of denuclearization in Europe. In the Venice summit, Nakasone demanded the re-unity on the western countries to oppose the Soviet Union. And, he supported the deployment of INF with U.S. mainland. Nakasone understood INF of U.S. mainland did the balance to Asia part SS-20. These Nakasone's insistence promoted the re-unity on the western countries. The Secretary-General Gorbachev was confronted with the re-unity on the western countries and the potential pressures of Chinese Government. Consequently, he decided abolition of SS-20.
    A final section reexamines the cooperation of Japan–U.S. in the nuclear disarmament. INF reduction plan of Japan contributed to the achievement of INF abolition. However, it controlled a real discussion in Japan concerning the extended deterrence of the United States.
  • 西住 徹
    法政論叢
    1998年 34 巻 157-177
    発行日: 1998/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is introduce of the Tokutarou Kitamura's library. Tokutarou Kitamura was the Minister of Transport in the Katayama Cabinet and the Minister of Finance in the Ashida Cabinet. He had been the leader of the policy for 8 years: the period of between Nihon-Shinpo party (16 OCT 1945 - 30 MAR 1947) and Kaishin party (8 FEB 1952 - 23 NOV 1954). These parties were the New Party after World War II. To study his library is the consideration of the footprints of him in the political world and these parties which has vanished. This study is not only the experiment which we clear one politician's process of making a policy plan by analyzing his library, but also experiment which we understand the process of the forming his thought.
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