In order to clear the transition of design style, we have studied on the Duoi Keo design of wooden architectures in The Nguen Dynasty at Hue. The conclusion of this paper is as follows. : 1. To clarify the production age of the Duoi Keo design of wooden architectures, we have cleared the creation age and detailed repair of 34 wooden architectures in existence by the document and hearing. 2. We have classified the Duoi Keo design of wooden architectures to four types, A type is “両渦文型”, B type is “龍頭吐水唐草文型”, C type is “小龍頭渦唐草文型“, D type is “渦唐草文型”. 3. The transition of the Duoi Keo design is as follows. A-type →B-type →C-type and D-type. 4. We have presumed the new construction age of the wooden architectures in existence, that is that Dien Tho Ninh was built in 1820, the upstairs of Ngo Mon was built in 1921-23, and Hung Mieu was built in the middle of 19 century.

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French colonial expansion in the 19th century was characterized by the fact that a majority of metropolitan people did not pay any attention to the overseas activities while a small number of groups—missionnaries, merchants and navy officers—were devoted to developing the economic, political and military activities beyond the sea.
French colonization depended in principle on the activities of navy officers. It is said that French Cochinchine, for example, was an “Admiral colony”. In this historical context, we should examine the structure of navy administrative system in order to understand better the nature of French colonization. We take Cochinchine as an example.
Since 1875, depending on the treaty of Saigon of 1874, France opened the delegation at Hué, capital of Nguyen Dynasty of Vietnam. A navy officer was appointed chargé d'affaires of Hué under the direction of Governor General of Cochinchine. Administrative hierarchy in the Ministry of Marine and Colonies as follows: Minister of Marine and Colonies —Governor General of Cochinchine— chargé d'affaires of Hué. But in practice, chargé d'affaires had the informations on Vietnam more accurate and abundant than any other person. Therefore, the decision-making on Vietnamese politics relied mainly on the informations given by chargé d'affaires of Hué. In this sense, chargé d'affaires played a very important role to make decisions on Vietnam.
Paul Philastre (1837-1902), a navy officer, was appointed chargé d'affaires of Hué in 1876. He worked very energetically in this post for three years, addressing many interesting reports to Governor General of Cochinchine.
Philastre was famous for his erudition of Vietnamese and Chinese languages. He translated “Code Gia Long” into French and published it in 1874. He expressed his sympathy for Vietnamese civilization and was in, good terms with Vietnamese Mandarin. He observed prudently what happened in the Court of Hué. Even though he was disappointed with Emperor Tu Duc, he asserted that France should never do the military intervention in Vietnam. His sympathy, his good relationship and his antimilitary proposition caused strong reactions of interventionists against him. Finally he resigned office in July, 1879.
His reports, conserved at the Archives Nationales, Depot de la Section d'Outre-Mer at Aix-en-Provence in France, contain lots of lucid observations and sociological analysis on the Vietnamese situations at that time. By utilizing them, we could make clear the political structure and socio-economical situation in the 1870's under the reign of Nguyen Dynasty in vietnam.

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This paper aims at analyzing the dialectal features of Nôm characters used in the Sino-Nom version of Phật Thuyết Thiên Địa Bát Dương Kinh contained in the list of Sino-Nom documents preserved at Canh Phuoc Temple in Bangkok and brought to Japan by the late Professor Yumio Sakurai, from the viewpoints of historical phonology and lexicography. Analysis of the phonetic component of each character will show the features of Central and Southern dialects of the Vietnamese language. So far, a primary index of the Southern Nôm characters has been compiled by Vũ Văn Kính [1994] based on some famous literary works, such as Lục Vân Tiên, Dương Từ Hà Mậu, Nguyễn Hữu Huân tiểu truyện, Kim Thạch Kỳ Duyên, Ngư Tiều Vấn Đáp, etc. The documents in Sakurai’s list might provide a certain amount of additional data for the index.

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The Vietnamese seem to have had a tendency to symbolize their king and kingdom as a mountain. Kings of the Former Le (980-1009) and the Ly (1010-1225) dynasties built bamboo Nam So'n(Mountain of the South, namely of Vietnam) on their birthdays to annually revitalize their kingdom as well as themselves. And some mountains assumed the protector of the kingship and the superviser of Sino-Vietnamese moral principles. The god of Mt. Dong Co (Thanh Hoa) joined the future Ly Thai Tong in his expedition into Champa. Thai Tong also could repress rebellious princes on the advice of this god. He and his mandarins swore loyalty and filial piety annually before the god's shrine. Mt. Dong Co, however, is not near Hanoi but is situated, as is suggested in the chronicle, in the rugged terrain of the southern fringe of the Red River delta, on the line of demarcation between the delta and the less consolidated southern provinces. The Ngu Hanh So'n(Mountains of Five Elements) or Montagnes de Marbre of Quang Nam. Central Vietnam, were believed to be the protectors of the Nguyen kingdom. And this agregate of rocks is not near the capital but is in the liminal region around Da Nang, a port frequented by Europeans. According to P. Poivre, it was believed that an enemy who could capture this Protector would become master of the kingdom. And in the middle of the eighteenth century, when Poivre came into contact with this belief, Vietnam seems to have been 'en proie. . . a une crise religieuse, a une veritable fievre prophetique' (L. Cadiere) . Bonzes claimed that Heaven's anger had begun to explode because people had abandoned the cult of traditional gods and the teachings of Confucius to worship the God of the Europeans whose aim was the usurpation of the kingdom. Though it is difficult to clarify the relationship between these prophecies and the belief in the Mountains Ngu Hanh, it is important to note that it was the emperor Minh Mang, a hard-liner against western influence, who revived the old beliefs fervently and prohibited Europeans from going on an excursion from Da Nang to the Protector-Mountain. My hypothesis is that during the long history of the Vietnamese southward movement there might have existed similar masses resistantes in the frontiers, that the Protector-Mountain belief might have contributed to the maintenance of the Sino-Vietnamese cultural tradition and to the Vietnamese indefatigable southward movement, and that such mountains might have sometimes become the symbolic nuclei of the Vietnamese 'nationalism' or nativism against foreign threats or invasions. The Protector-Mountain theme was fully elaborated by the Bti'u So'n Ky Hu'o'ng (Radiant Mountain Unearthly Fragrance) sect in the last frontier, western Mekong delta. This sect emerged from the peasants who were exposed, in the reign of Thieu Tri (1841-47) , to the loss of Cambodia, a Vietnamese protecorate under the emperors Gia Long and Minh Mang, and to the Siamese invasions. The Bu'u So'n Ky Hu'o'ng believed that the Ideal King would appear from the Seven Mountains (That So'n or Bay Nui) of Chau Doc province. Some sources suggest that the Ideal King might have been an idealization of the late, the strongest emperor Minh Mang. The eschatology seems to have been widely diffused among the southerners after the establishement of French colonialism and the Seven Mountains region afforded the most important base for southern activists.

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ベトナムの近現代史は、フランス植民地支配に始まる。これはカトリック教会と密接に結びついて発展した。ベトナムの伝統的祖先祭祀を行う仏教徒によって、このカトリック教会はどのように受容されてきたのか。本稿の目的は、南部村落の一事例によって、カトリック信徒と仏教徒の関係性の変容を辿り、それを通して、村民が与えられた植民地状況下でどのような生活の形を築いてきたかを明らかにすることである。資料は、現地の教会、および神学校等の文字資料に加えて、現地調査によって収集した村民の「語り」を用いながら、1900年以前から社会主義国家成立後の現在に至るまで、政治的・社会的変動にしたがって時代別に変化を叙述していく。ここで明らかになったことは、政治的・社会的状況の変化とともに仏教徒とカトリック信徒の関係性は力動的に変化しており、村民は時代に応じて主体的に、また柔軟に政治および宗教に関与してきたということである。

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This article analyses from a standpoint of historical phonology the Sino-Vietnamese readings of more than 970 Chinese characters transcribed into roman characters with diacritics (now called quoc ngu orthography) in Dictionarium Annamiticum Lusitanum et Latinum, compiled by Alexandre de Rhodes in 1651.
First of all, the syllabic structure of Middle Vietnamese presented by Kenneth J. Gregerson in 1969 is examined in order to propose a more convenient one: C₁C₂VC₃/T.
As for the initial consonants, C₁ consonants such as/b/, /r/, /g/, and C₁C₂ clusters such as /tl/, /_??_l/, /ml/, /mj/, /bj/, /dj/, are not encountered in Sino-Vietnamese readings. On the contrary, C₁ consonant /t/ and C₁C₂ cluster /dw/ are mainly encountered in the Chinese-originated syllables. Considering this latter fact, two historical processes, /tl/→/t/ and /dj/→/z/, might be triggered or spured by the two phonological forms, /t/ and /dw/, that originated from Chinese elements. Particularly, concerning the second case, present /z/ still remained as /dj/ in the 17th century, and the semi-vowel /j/ may have occured as C₂ element in the syllabic structure. Chinese /*j/ (yi mu) was first transplanted into Vietnamese as /*j/ and then changed into /dj/ following the Vietnamese internal process. Meanwhile, Chinese also had /*jw/ as a labialized variant (he kou) of /*j/, which may have transformed into /*djw/ in 17th century Vietnamese, and is an unacceptable form in the syllabic structure of that period as well as today. Thereafter, in some words /j/ rather than /w/ survived as C₂, and in others /w/ rather than /j/ survived, as can be infered from the doublet readings of a single character in the 20th century (ex. _??_zij/zwεj). However, as the distribution of /w/ in the phonology of the 17th century was much wider than that of /j/, eventually /w/ overcame /j/ to trigger or spur the process /dj/→/z/.
As for rhymes, some system-internal changes of vowels can be deduced from our materials, including and (1)/i/→/e/, and (2)/u/→/_??_/. The phonological environment of process (1) is the occurance of /n/, /t/as C₃ element, while that of process (2) cannot be determined from our materials. Process (1) probably had taken such a long time to complete that some dialects of present times still preserve the older form. Moreover, it can be pointed out that some 17-19th century readings have exceptional ryhming patterns for the purpose of avoiding taboo over royal family names that still had standard readings in the 17th century.
Finally, concerning tone, the 17th century system in itself does not show any difference from that of the 20th century, but some syllables transcribed with the hoi tone in the present orthography had been written with the nga tone in the 17th century, and vice versa. This phonomenon might be evidence of an occuring change of pitch value between hoi and nga tones in the register oppositional system of the 17th century.

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 'Chữ Nôm, ' the former system of writing invented by borrowing the principles and forms of the Chinese character, really means "vulgar script" or "southern character, " in contrast to 'Chữ Nho, ' meaning "Confucianist scholars' script."
  I have been considering why 'Chữ Nôm' was not established as the Vietnamese orthography like the similar Japanese demotic script Kana but was replaced by 'Quốc Ngữ, ' meaning "national script, " which was invented by modification of the Roman alphabet. Recently I noticed that as long as 'Chữ Nôm' depended to a large degree phonetically and semantically on the Chinese system it was impossible for most of the people, who were blinded by their governor and had almost no chance to learn Chinese itself, to master it completely. And, paradoxically, just because it remained vulgar, its raison d'être was to express racial romanticism. In other words, almost all Vietnamese intellectuals, most of whom were bilingual, never hoped that the script would be fostered as a national orthography.
  If this is true, it is evident that the script played a very important role in every sphere in Vietnamese history. Scholars of Vietnam should, therefore, comprehend its system and structure and, if possible, investigate its origin and how it changed in each period of history.

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