This paper aims to provide insights into the effects about the role of the National Security Council (NSC) from the government change to Taiwan’s foreign and security policy decision-making process.
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) conducted a series of missile tests targeting the Taiwan Strait from July 1995 to March 1996 after Lee Teng-hui, President of the Republic of China (ROC), visitedthe United Statesin June 1995. This international security crisis from the missile tests by the PRC is also called “The Third Taiwan Strait Crisis.” After thecrisis, the cross-Strait relations re-emerged as acritical security issue in East-Asia which might involve the United States and Japan.
Moreover, Chen Shui-bian, who is a member of the Democratic Progressive Party and declares promotion of Taiwan independence, won the presidential election in 2000. His presidency endedthe Kuomintang regime in Taiwan. The government change is not only marked in the political history of Taiwan or the ROC,but also has its significance in international politics.
Later, Taiwan has been worried to tend China by the government changeafter 2008, because Ma Yingjeouwon the presidential election in 2008, who is a member of the KMT and is considered “pro-China”.
However, Chen Shui-bian did not actually declare Taiwan independence during his term of office. The cross-Strait relation has improved at the time under Ma Ying-jeou’s administration. Nonetheless,most of the main policy by Ma’s administration is a continuation from Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian administration.
This paper used case study method and analyzed the operations about the NSC in Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou’s administration. Three major conclusions are as followed. First, the NSC is the only mechanism whichcan coordinates all sectors of the foreign and security policy decision-making process in Taiwan. When the core staffs forthe foreign and security policy around theNSC are stabilized, Taiwan’s foreign and security policy could maintain a critical stability. Second, the operations of the NSC have been over relied on the president’s personal leadership which leads to instability in the operations of the Taiwan’s foreign security policy decision-making process. The operations of the NSC are conducted by informal approaches from Lee Teng-hui to Ma Ying-jeou, while the formal foreign and security policy decision-making process is in the fragmentation. The NSC operations changed when the government changes as well as the presidents changed even though they are from the same party. The changes may lead to political blank or instability on foreign and security policy. Third, President of ROC has strong authority in the foreign security policy decision-making process when he wants to change or promote the policy. However, if President force through his demands, the foreign and security policy decision-making process will become instability because the formal mechanism is in the fragmentation.

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This paper examines major influences brought on by the end of the Cold War with regards to U. S. -China relations and analyzes the underlying factors made prominent by changes in U. S. -China relations in the post-Cold War era.
From the Sino-American rapprochement to the end of the Cold War, the United States and China have developed a strategic cooperative relationship in order to cope with Soviet power. Despite previous antagonism, Washington and Beijing joined forces to deal with their common Soviet adversary. With the absence of the overriding Soviet threat in the post-Cold War era, the U. S. and China have reconsidered each other's strategic influences and positions. The collapse of the previous bipolar system has significantly impacted Sino-U. S. relations. China has been using its privileged membership in the P-5 as a political and diplomatic instrument to increase its diplomatic power. Cooperative management of U. S. -China relations is important to the interests of both countries. China's rapid rise as a regional economic, political and diplomatic power with global aspirations is an important element of contemporary U. S. -China relations. It is an inescapable imperative that the relationship between the U. S. and China not be adversarial. Therefore, China is promoting multilateralism and its New Security Policy, which is based on cooperation and trust. Chinese multilateralism and the New Security Policy were formed as political instruments to restrain the U. S. containment policy toward China.
These changing contexts have affected the way in which the United States and China currently address chief elements in their relationship such as conflicts over human rights, issues regarding Taiwan, the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction, and economic ties. China's economic trajectory has driven its expanding energy needs, which has now made China the world's second largest energy consumer behind the United States. This growing energy demand has created an increasing dependence on imported oil. To enhance its energy security, China has developed energy deals with countries deemed “dangerous” or “problematic” to U. S. “concerns” through political accommodations and sales or transfers of weapons and military technology to these nations, including Iran and Sudan, whose blatant abuse of human rights is supported by arms supplied by China. These dictatorial administrations oppose criticism from Europe and the U. S. by using the China's veto power in the United Nations to bypass U. S. concerns regarding human rights violations. China also has great potential to compete militarily with the United States, utilizing field-disruptive military technologies that could over time offset traditional U. S. military advantages. Growing modernization in China's strategic forces has enhanced its strategic strike capabilities and is improving beyond that of Taiwan's. China's continued pursuit of area denial and anti-access strategies is expanding from traditional land, air, and sea dimensions of the modern battlefield to include space and cyber-space. Taiwan remains the most sensitive and complex issue for China. Recently, Taiwan's political environment has become unstable due to political disagreement between the DPP and opposition parties, ever-shifting political pressure of the PRC on Taiwan, wobbly U. S. -Taiwan relations, and the constant push by President Chen Shuibian of the PRC to establish a separate international identity for Taiwan. Although China is the second-largest U. S. trading partner, economic issues are now a growing source of contention between the U. S. and China.

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After the end of the Cold war era, domestic conflicts became a key issue facing international society. However, there exist cases actually left untouched for several years. Theorists of international politics also have not paid much attention to such cases as the subject of their research, with the result that we have not accumulated knowledge about “pretermitted conflicts” and the dynamics of the peace negotiation.
The purpose of this paper is to explain the sudden change in the behavior of a government in a peace negotiation even though international society sits still and watches. As Gurr points out, however, domestic conflicts have also occurred in quasi-states. This institutional character makes international intervention difficult and justifies the non-intervention of international society.
Making a point of being a quasi-state, the author characterizes the government as a player that tries to maximize public support. Inside the government organization, however, the army, which keeps the capability to overturn the peace agreement between the government and the proindependence militant, exists and opposes a move to the peace agreement. People not directly concerned with the domestic conflict determine support (or nonsupport) for their government after observing the will for peace and the ability to control the armed forces (civil-military relations). But the reality of civil-military relations is the private information of the government. Based upon this setting, the model on a peace negotiation was formulated as an incomplete information game.
After analyzing this model, the author derives two kinds of equilibrium paths to reach a peace agreement. One is a separating equilibrium, in which the government H aving control over the national military (H) proposes the peace plan, but the government Lacking control over it (L) does not when the militant's belief that the government is H is high, and the militant will accept it. The other is a pooling equilibrium that both H and L propose when the belief is low and the militants will reject it. The first is a trivial outcome. However, L can propose it because L can appeal to the people's will for peace without exposing the low ascendancy of L on the separating equilibrium.
Finally, the author explains the dynamics of peace negotiations in Indonesia and the Philippines and points out that civil-military relations could be a useful explanatory variable. And as they are also policy implications for avoiding further humanitarian crisis, international society should not castigate L for a passive stance on the separating equilibrium, and it should notcastigate separates for it in regards to the pooling equilibrium. In this way, by seeing the effect of civil-military relations on the dynamics of a peace process, the optimal reply of international society to the government's and the militant's behavior must be changed to effect a prompt and appropriate response to avoid further massacre or the violation of human rights.

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This paper focuses on the individuals’ experience and traces the way how the government of Republic of China, formerly the Dangguo（党國）state, strengthened its relationship with organizations of overseas Chinese in Japan. Due to the onset of Chinese Civil War and confusion of Taiwan, the organization of overseas Chinese in Japan, including immigrants from Taiwan, are separated into 3 groups and according to their political positions: “Republic of China (ROC)”, “People’s Republic of China (PRC)”, and “Independent Taiwan”. The government of ROC together with Kuomintang (KMT) had to solve urgent problems such as maintaining power over overseas Chinese in its territory, suppressing some overseas Chinese who supported the PRC or Independence of Taiwan, and restoring firm relations with overseas Chinese in Japan. The author highlights the mainland-born KMT members who came to Japan via Taiwan in 1950s to 1960s. They were teachers in a Chinese school or branch officials of KMT in Japan and acted as an intermediary among the ROC government, the organizations of overseas Chinese, and individual overseas Chinese who came to Japan before 1950s. In conclusion, the author points out that the historical situation of East Asian counties during 1950s to 60s is reflected in the lives of mainland immigrants（外省人）who came to Japan during that time and that movements of people after the collapse of Japanese empire brought about a new recognition of “motherland” to overseas Chinese in Japan.

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