The two terms, 'Mu-Kyo-Si: 無居肆' and 'Kyo:虚' shown in "Koryodogyong(高麗図経)", are understood as 'the market did not exist' and 'commercial product market were open in the air' in Kaegyong, the capital of Koryo Dynasty. These historical records have been large obstacles to research on the positioning and characteristics of the urban history of Kaegyong, but at the same time, the records have been important clues on them. This study attempts a basic analysis of the architectural form of the commercial facilities of Kaegyong, focusing on analysis of 'Kyo-Si' and 'Kyo'. I show that 'Koy-Si' refers to a multi-functional building comprising both a dwelling and a market, and 'Kyo' is the market where the simple building was laid. However, the market of Kaegyong was a specific commercial facility that did not contain dwellings, and exhibited and sold goods on the ground. The form of building was long and thin like a passage way or corridor. This research can became one basis for understanding the positioning and characteristics of urban history of Kaegyong through the change of market.

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This paper probes the mechanism of present-day periodic markets and how they operate through a detailed case study of periodic markets frequented by different ethnic groups in Jinping county, Yunnan, China. It sets out to identify the defining characteristics of periodic markets and considers the question of why they arise and why they continue to survive today. Past research has demonstrated that a key feature of periodic markets in traditional China was their accessibility and the freedom that they afforded local residents in buying and selling commodities. Fieldwork confirms that six-day-cycle markets, based on the 12-day Chinese zodiac, in Jinping county do give producers of all ethnicities the freedom to sell their produce, but alsopoints out that the market environment encourages the spontaneous specialization of production skills and provides an important place for social interaction and expression of the local cultures.

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A lot of anthropologists, historians and geographers have researched on traditional markets in China. The writer himself has reported on periodical markets in Hopei Province, Northern China (Geogr. Rev. of Japan, Vol.43, No.4, 1973 & Maizner Geographischen Studien, Heft 10, 1976). Nevertheless, we can see only few studies on markets in East-Central China (Kiangsu, Chekiang & Anhwei Provinces) which has been long time the most developed region in China. In this paper the writer examines comprehensively the traditional markets there during Ming (1368-1662), Ch'ing (1663-1911) and Min-Kuo (1912-1948) periods. He investigated many data obtained from more than five hundreds local gazetteers available at the some main libraries in Japan. The results are as follow:
1. In the local gazetteers of East-Central China all the markets, periodic or daily, are generally called “shi”. But in northern parts of the region the periodical markets are called “chi”, being distinguished from the daily ones. On the other hand the markets in southern parts are called “hsü” in the rare cases as like as in South China.
2. The market week is “hsün” (decade) in the region. Another market week: the twelve chih (branches) is seen in the rare cases. The markets are generally held twice or three times per a decade. But daily markets are dominant in and around the Yangtze delta. The frequency of markets increased during these periods. The market days trend to be arranged uniformly on each days of a decade.
3. The distribution density of markets or market towns is little different from that of the other parts in China. But it is higher in and around the Yangtze delta, and correlates the density of population through the all region. As for the spatial arrangement of markets or market towns, the uniform pattern are found in the two hsiens (counties) by the Nearest Neighbour Analysis.
4. The dimensions of market regions decreased during the periods. Therefore the average radius became shorter from 7-8km in Ming period to 4-5km in Min-Kuo period. The former is equivalent to a day's journey of going, marketing and returning, the latter to a half day's one. The peasants could go and market every early morning in the area with the highest density of markets. The average population per a market region is 10 to 20 thousands as like as in the other parts of China.
5. From a gazetteer of Yin-hsien (Chekiang Province) the writer could distinguish four classes of the settlements with markets. From a gazetteer of Chiating-hsien (Kiangsu Province) he could do four classes of central places and three of markets, too. Markets and market towns are spatially arranged with the structure of hierarchy.
6. Many gazetteers tell us that almost all of central places have had the traditional markets during the periods. It is confirmed from the data of Yin-hsien that frequency of market correlate the scale of settlement with market. From the data of Chiating-hsien, such a correlation is ascertained between the functional class of market and the scale of settlement with market. Consequently it is concluded that the traditional markets have played an important role in the development of central places.

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以上, 1929〜1977年の年最大風速に基づいて, 日本各地の気象官署における50年再現期待値を算出した。更に気象官署の分布密度を考慮して地理的位置および大規模地形の影響のみを反映した基準風速の2m/sピッチ等風速線図および5m/sピッチ等風速領域図を, できる限り客観的かつ再現性のある方法で作成した。また, その作成手順を明確に示すことによって問題点の抽出を容易にした。これによって, 従来あまり議論されなかった問題点や構造物の設計風速を得るための風観測の方法等を見直す上での一助となれば幸いである。本研究は日本建築学会の風荷重小委員会(主査・室田達郎)のワーキンググループ1(主査・田村幸雄)の活動の一環として行われたものである。貴重な御意見をいただいた同委員会の委員各位, 年最大風速値の収集に御協力いただいた京都大学防災研究所・光田寧教授ならびに労動省産業安全研究所・木下鈞一氏に深謝の意を表します。

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This paper is devoted to discussing rural marketing communities that shaped local social organizations. Especially I set forth an analysis of the relation of religious factors to the rural marketing communities. Arthur H. Smith indicated that most of the Chinese villages maintained some Taoism chapels called Miao. (廟). However, there were exceptions to this rule. If so, we cannot neglect to analyze no-Miao villages. Ch'ing-hsien-ts'un-t'u (青県村図) is a local government record dealing with an the cities, towns and villages in a prefecture, Ch'ing-hsien. In this record there are 91 villages which do not maintain any religious establishments, excluding one whose data are incomplete. They occupy 21 per cent of the villages in this prefecture. It should not be supposed that the inhabitants of those villages were irreligious. We have to analyze the reason why they were unable to maintain any religious establishments and yet able to live their village life without Miaos. It seems that such villages can be divided into three types. 1. Chinese Moslem villages ..................................... 19, A Chinese mosque called Ch'ing-chen-ssu (清真寺) stood at the center of their community consisting of some neighboring villages. So the people who lived in the villages without any mosque could go to the mosque in the neighboring village. In addition, they were subject to the taboo that they should not eat any pork and meat touched by non-Moslems. Therefore,they needed their own market. It is shown that two markets. Hsin-chi (新集) and Tu-lin-chi (杜林集) were Moslem marketing communities. 2. Consanguineous villages ....................................... 23, In this case, we can understand the reason why they did not need village Miaos. A Miao played a role as a public hall. Being composed of one family-group, the villages did not need to maintain Miaos. 3. Small villages ....................................................49, Because of the small population or little farmland, it fyas impossible for such villages to maintain any kind of village Miaos. Geographically analyzed, they lay close to the marketing places. As a number of various Miaos were maintained at the marketing places, the inhabitants of no-Miao villages could visit them on market-days. So they could live their village life without their own Miaos. This observation leads to the conclusion that there was a close relation between the religious factor and a marketing community.

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The purpose of this paper is to make clear the significance of open lecture rooms in lifelong learning facilities. The users learning in the closed rooms are positive toward open rooms. The troubles hardly happen even in the actual case of learning in the open space. Various interactions between the learners and passersby are created through the openess. Learning activity spreads out in the surroundings functionally, spatially. Correlation between lecture rooms and surrounding space which aren't disturbed each other by the sight, noise, atmosphere and so on is to be designed for facilitating such effect of the Open Space.

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中国南部, 広西壮族自治区を中心に居住する壮族は「漢化」の度合いの強い民族の一つとして知られるが, 従来の研究において未検討のまま残された課題が少なくない。たとえば次の課題である。(1) 漢族の政治・文化的影響が, いつ, いかなるプロセスを経て波及したのか。(2) 壮族史の潮流として漢化する方向に向かったものの, 現在壮族としての族籍を持つものについて言えば, 必ずしも独自の(もしくは非漢族的な)文化を全面的に喪失し漢文化に置き替えたわけではない。それならば社会や文化の構成要素のどの部分において, 漢族の影響を被りながらどのように独自性を保持しているのか。また, その場合, 地域差が見られるのか。本稿は, 壮族の年中行事に関する研究の一部であるが, それは, 筆者が従来, 歴史文献を駆使して行なってきた上記の(1)の研究の基礎の上に, (2)の課題に関して実地調査の方法をも併用して研究を行なう第一歩としての意味を持つものである。

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This article focuses on explaining the "Jian-song 健訟" problem from the mining industry's point of view. The word "Jian-song" means that litigation was frequent, especially in Jiang-xi 江西. This article is a part of the regional history of Jiang-xi. First, the author examines previous studies of the "Jian-song" problem, which have in confusion up till now. One opinion is that the increase of population caused the problem, while, the other is that the growth in traffic caused the problem. The author points out the need to study the problem from an industrial point of view. Secondly, the author examines mining management and the "Jian-song" problem in Xin-zhou 信州. This area had a well-developed mining industry during the Sung period, and influential persons took part in mining management. Several influential persons conspired with officials and xu-li 胥吏 to rob the fortunes of other influential persons. Influential persons and xu-li quarrelled and filed suits over mining management contract, causing the "Jian-song" problem. Thirdly, the author studies traffic and the "Jian-song" problem in Xin-zhou. This area had a well-developed transportation system due to the development of mining industry. Influential persons and xu-li made money on transportation. Here, they also quarrelled, resulting in another "Jian-song" problem. The conclusion is that one of the main causes of Jiang-xi's "Jian-song" problem was the development of the mining industry.

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During the Late Ming period, rice was usually circulated from Guangdong to Fujian on the South China coast. On the other side, Canton which had the largest population in the province depended on rice supply from Guangxi. But with the development of Portuguese Macao oriental trade after the Wanli period(1573-1619), Guangdong rice was circulated to Macao and pirates by Fujian merchants illegally and the food situation in Canton became worse. This is the reason why food riots in Canton happened in 1593 and 1624. The rioters were the urban poor and they attacked rice merchants, especially the Fujian merchants, and abssentee landlords. After the food riot in 1593, the Guangdong local government banned the Fujian merchants from buying rice in Guangdong. The Fujian local government requested the Guangdong local government to lift the ban on rice sale. In answer to this request, the Guangdong local government made an arrangement to adjust rice circulation to Fujian quantitatively and regionally. The occasion of the food riot in 1624 took place when the Guangdong local government did not carry out the relief policy in spite of people's request. So one local elite proposed its reform, and his proposal was carried out by the local government. This reform was based on the social relationship in the district where trading people lived facing each other across the street. I conclude that the historical characteristic of food riots in Canton during the Late Ming period was the social fluctuation which was caused by the development of international commerce in East Asia.

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This study is based on new materials obtained during field research at Jiangkou Zhen(江口鎮), situated near the homeland of the Taiping, on several visits between the years 1987 and 1993. Up until now, a lack of information has made it difficult to study the history of Guangxi society and the early days of the Taiping. The aim of this article is to ascertain the histroical and socio-anthropological features of the social networks formed by the newly-risen lineage groups which migrated there. The migration of these lineage groups to Jiangkou started in the 15th century, before the beginning of Chinese migration to Jintian(金田). Many from Minnan(〓南). They were unsuccessful at first because, unlike the bureaucratic immigrants to Jintian, they lacked political power. The reason for their eventual economic success was their pattern of action, known as wen^2 xig^6(〓食) in Cantonese, according to which they pursued several different occupations at the same time in order to increase the possibility of success, while reducing the danger of complete failure. This pattern of wen^2 xig^6 was and important feature of Chinese society, especially amongy middle and low class migrants in frontier areas. After achieving economic success, they tried to join the Kuji(客籍) elite group of bureaucratic immigrant lineages. But many of the newly-lineage groups failed,because their lineage organizations were not sufficieytly cohesive. As a result, some low class members took part in the Taiping movement as a form of wen^2 xig^6. The upper and middle class members formed social networks, such as Miaohui(廟会) and Jiebaixiongdi(結〓兄弟), with corresponding class members of other lineages in order to empete against the political powar of the Kuji elite group. The period of the Taiping movement offered them a favourable opportunity for political success. They organized Tuanlian(團練), using thier economic power freely and fighting against the Taiping, and obtained the political position they had been seeking, although at the sacrifice of their fellaw members bho died in battle. To the Chinese people, a man's life was not meaningful until his lineage prospered so that religious services for the ancestors could be performed by the following generations.

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This study is the result of field research in Jintian-Zhen (金田鎮), which is well-known as the birthplace of the Taiping movement. Because of a lack of information, it has been very difficult to study the history of Guangxi society and the early days of Taiping. The author collected new materials during several visits to Jintian-Zhen between 1987 and 1990. The goal of the study was to illuminate the historical and social-anthropological features of the settlement in Jintian and, in particular, the social order that elite migrants established. The migration of Chinese into Jintian started in the 16th century with the supression of a resistance movement by the local Yao (瑤) minority. Many of the early migrants were Chinese bureaucrats seeking refuge from the conflicts indemic to the period between the Ming (明) and Qins (清) dynasties. The migrants occupied an extensive land area under the protection of the local goverment and forced tenant farmers to bring land under cultivation for the commercial purpose of selling rice at Guangdong (廣東). Jintian's development was thus different from that of Zijing (紫荊) where the Hakka Chinese (客家) language group settled. These differences suggest that there were several patterns in the settlement and cultivation of the frontier area, and, further, that these differences have greatly influenced the range of races and language groups in the area, as well as the extensiveness of the Baishangdi-hui (拝上帝会) activities. The early Chinese migrants who settled in Jintian made great efforts to build up their politcal and economic bases by using various social networks such as tongxiang (同郷) and the tongzu (同族). In particular, the lineage organizations of the Chinese migrants to Jintian, in spite of their small size compared with that in Guang-dong, led to great distinctions between migrants groups in terms of their population and property, as well as the political influence that was acquired by seholar bureaucrats and their lineage schools. Thus, powerful lineages took leadership in Jintian by using lineage organizations to establish and maintain law and order to their own advantage. Thus, newly-rising lineages such as the family of Huang-tizheng (黄体正) of Gucheng (古程) village, who was the organizer of "An Liang yue" (安良約), the Baojia (保甲) organization before Taiping, regarded marriage and association with powerful lineages as the most important means to elevate their family social status. The participants' lists of joint enterprise activities, such as the establishment of or repairs to the Sanjie (三界) shrine, clearly indicate the social status and rank of each lineage in the Jintian area. The seventy leaders of "An Liang yue", who opposed Taiping, were the same people that had close relationships to each other through marriage, goverment service, schools and literary circles. In this paper it is argued that the Jintian settlement society may be characterized by the idea of "sheng guang fa cai" (昇官發財), which means the acquisition of wealth through the perquisities of bureacuratic posts. This feature is different from that of Jiangzhe (江浙), a more mature province where the literary elite (文人) held substantive power. The Chinese migrants to the Guangxi frontier area ardently sought a stable foundation of economic and political security, as did the officers and troops of the Taiping army through "sheng guang fa cai". The examination for bureaucratic posts was regarded as the means for the control and integration of settlement society by powerful families. Jintian is a society where this "Ke ji" type elite group ruled, and where members of the Baishangdihui were persecuted by them.

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