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  • 竹松 哲夫
    Journal of Pesticide Science
    2001年 26 巻 2 号 224
    発行日: 2001/05/20
    公開日: 2010/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 久村 種樹
    応用物理
    1937年 6 巻 12 号 551-555
    発行日: 1937/12/01
    公開日: 2009/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 秋吉 正豊, 雨宮 璋, 佐藤 喜一, 庄司 侃
    AUDIOLOGY
    1966年 9 巻 2 号 190-191
    発行日: 1966年
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 手塚 敬三
    溶接学会誌
    1948年 17 巻 8 号 300-301
    発行日: 1948年
    公開日: 2009/06/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長澤 重五
    電氣學會雜誌
    1941年 61 巻 636 号 353-358
    発行日: 1941/07/10
    公開日: 2008/11/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉田 聖一
    圧力技術
    2021年 59 巻 2 号 77-88
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/04/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The author has reported incidents of storage facilities for energy products at the EST-1 Committee of High Pressure Institute of Japan. The information was obtained from the internet when the incidents occurred. In this paper, 42 in-cidents of storage facilities for energy products which occurred overseas in the first half of 2020 are reported.
  • 川上 嘉市
    日本航空學會誌
    1942年 9 巻 87 号 828-832
    発行日: 1942/07/05
    公開日: 2009/07/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 泉 清人
    日本音響学会誌
    1987年 43 巻 10 号 794-797
    発行日: 1987/10/01
    公開日: 2017/06/02
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐貫 亦男
    日本機械学会誌
    1988年 91 巻 838 号 932-936
    発行日: 1988/09/05
    公開日: 2017/06/21
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • 多田 禮吉
    日本金屬學會誌
    1940年 4 巻 8 号 A375-A379
    発行日: 1940年
    公開日: 2008/11/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 2006年以降のカンボジアでの経験から
    漆原 克文
    山野研究紀要
    2009年 17 巻 17-22
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2019/11/10
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
    1991 年の内戦終結後 17 年を経たカンボジアでは、いまだに地雷・不発弾による犠牲者が日々発生している。地雷・不発弾被害者を生んでいる原因は、いうまでもなく撤去されなかった地雷・不発弾の存在であるが、それにあわせて地雷・不発弾汚染地域の住民が、貧しさから危険な地雷・不発弾を生活の必要のため金属スクラップとして回収・売却していることも見逃せない。いわば貧困が地雷・不発弾を媒介として新たな生命の危険及び身体障害を生んでいる社会経済構造が存在している。このことは世界中の紛争を経験した開発途上国に共通する問題といえる。2006 年以降のカンボジアの地雷・不発弾被害者の急激な減少は、この問題に対して地域で最下層の生活をしている人々の生活向上を図ること等により、かなりの地雷・不発弾被害の未然防止が可能であることを示している。
  • 2.核セキュリティ強化に係る我が国の国際公約の状況,及び福島原発の教訓も踏まえた核テロ対策等への対応
    直井 洋介, 鈴木 美寿, 中込 良廣
    日本原子力学会誌ATOMOΣ
    2012年 54 巻 3 号 191-196
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2019/10/31
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー

     国際原子力機関(IAEA)は,核セキュリティ・シリーズの基本文書を近々発刊予定である。また,2012年3月には,韓国ソウルにおいて第2回目の核セキュリティ・サミットが予定されている。我が国は,東京電力㈱福島第一原子力発電所事故によって,原子力発電所の更なる安全を確保することは言うまでもないが,核セキュリティに係る国際的な動きに適確に対応することが求められている。本解説では,前号の,核セキュリティ・シリーズの3つの勧告文書の解説に引き続き,我が国の国際公約の状況や福島事故後の核セキュリティ対応等について報告する。

  • 嘉指 信雄
    平和研究
    2018年 48 巻 49-68
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2023/11/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    “Biopolitics,” according to Foucault, concerns the natural environment and bodies, both of which are “ungovernable.” Problems with radiation risk are typically problems of governability; radiation can contaminate the whole environment and eventually damage genes and destroy the reproductive capacity of biological bodies. Because radiation can be neither seen nor sensed, problems relating to the so-called “radiation exposure safety level” become political problems concerning the scientific construction of invisible reality and the definition of its meanings for human health. We shed light on the concrete ways in which biopolitics operates in the nuclear age, running from Hiroshima to Chernobyl to Fukushima, with an eye to justice as security for biological bodies. Emphasis is placed on the controversies over so-called depleted uranium (DU) shells.

    DU is a radioactive waste generated from the production of enriched uranium, which is necessary for nuclear weapons and energy. In the 1950s, the United States began research on how to dispose DU and developed antitank rounds with DU in their penetrators. DUʼs rare hardness and density are considered “ideal” for destroying tanks. Furthermore, because it is nuclear waste, it is available to the munitions industry at virtually no charge. DU weapons are said to be “revolutionary,” rendering traditional tanks virtually useless. Troublingly, however, DU starts to burn upon impact, dissolving into minute airborne radioactive particles. Once absorbed into the body, some particles remain and irradiate surrounding cells. In Iraq, the former Yugoslavia, and other areas where DU rounds have been used in combat or exercises, reports cite alarming increases in cancer, leukemia, and congenital defects among the local population and the soldiers stationed in affected areas. Despite international warnings regarding its toxicity, the DU risk has been denied by its users and WHO as well.

  • ―変容する反体制勢力と地政学的攻防―
    溝渕 正季
    国際安全保障
    2014年 41 巻 4 号 85-101
    発行日: 2014/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―第二次レバノン戦争(二〇〇六年)とガザ戦争(二〇〇八/〇九年)におけるイスラエルのエア・パワー―
    溝渕 正季
    国際政治
    2014年 2014 巻 178 号 178_73-178_87
    発行日: 2014/11/10
    公開日: 2015/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since 1903, the year when Wright brothers made a success of building the world’s first successful airplane and making the first controlled, powered and sustained heavier-than-air human flight, airpower has developed astoundingly as an essential component in modern warfare. Up until today, it has been demonstrated by several modern wars. At the same time, however, this was not always the case. In unconventional warfare (or asymmetric warfare, “Non-Trinitarian Warfare,” “Fourth Generation Warfare,”or “War amongst the People”), airpower was not able to play a significant role, and sometimes it even caused a negative impact. In these wars, since the opponents usually disappear among “people,” it is always very challenging to find and attack them without causing any collateral damage. Taking up the Israel’s airpower in the Second Lebanon War (July/August 2006) and the Gaza War (December 2008/January 2009)—these are the two most recent wars in which airpower was employed on the non-state armed group—as the case studies, this article discusses the following questions: Is airpower really incompetent for unconventional warfare? If not so, what would be the essential role for airpower? What airpower actually can and cannot do?
    Based on the rigorous analysis of the wars in Lebanon and Gaza, the article leads the following three conclusions: Firstly, the impact which airpower could cause to warfare is limited. As in conventional wisdom, while airpower is an important and powerful arm of military force, airpower alone does not lead victory for modern wars. This is true for at least unconventional warfare, in which the enemy has no specific “center of gravity” and blends into the urban, mountainous or forested terrain, as in cases of Lebanon and Gaza. In addition, if they did not have enough information for the opponents, airpower could rarely give significant damage. Although it is the case, the collateral damage will be ineluctable if the opponent disappears in the crowd. Secondly, however, airpower is not always incompetent in conventional warfare under certain conditions. There are two key factors: (1) interoperability between the air force and the ground force, and (2) intelligence about the enemy. As in case of Gaza, when these two factors were fully established in pre-war period, it is possible to cause heavy damage to the enemy. Ensuring the qualitative military edge over the enemy is also important as well. Thirdly, it is essential to minimize the collateral damage. No matter how the cutting-edge military technology is overwhelming or the joint training exercise and the intelligence about the enemy are adequate, however, it is almost equivalent with losing the game if there was significant collateral damage. In case of Gaza, IDF was successfully bearing down the enemy physically, but too much collateral damage turns such a “victory” into “defeat.” In any of these wars, Israel’s security environment never been improved in the history.
    It is certain that airpower will keep playing one of the important roles in war given the technological progress in recent years. At the same time, they will face with a dilemma about the cost effectiveness between “rising war expenditure” and “acceptable level of cost.” Just by looking at the current situation in Syria (as of June in 2014), it is clear that unconventional warfare is still happening and will happen in the future. This leads the importance of further research for both direct and indirect role by airpower going forward.
  • 浮選
    1973年 1973 巻 50 号 12-19
    発行日: 1973/07/25
    公開日: 2009/06/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 南アジアの国家と国際関係
    井上 恭子
    国際政治
    2001年 2001 巻 127 号 95-110,L13
    発行日: 2001/05/18
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of international relations in the Himalayan region. Being land-locked between India and China but bordered on the north by the huge, arid Tibetan plateau in China, Nepal has had an easier access to the outside world through India. This geographical position and exposure to India have made Nepal heavily dependent on India. At the same time, Nepal has played a role of buffer state between India and China. From the perspective of India's security, Nepal has held a strategic importance. India has developed a strong sense of insecurity over years in the relationship with China. The importance of Nepal arises from Nepal's geographical position between India and China.
    In order to keep the border area favorable to India or at least undisturbed, India needed to keep close relations with Nepal. For this purpose India maintained a calculated policy with respect to Nepal. The Treaty of Peace and Friendship signed by India and Nepal in 1950 laid the foundation for the relationship between the two countries. In the political and economic sphere, articles 6 and 7 are significant as both countries agreed to treat the citizens of each other's countries as their own with regard to economic matters. Provision for this reciprocal national treatment grew as one of the sources of irritation from Nepal to India. Nepal started to feel that it was playing a loser's part and feared the dominance of India.
    In such circumstances, Nepal looked towards China as an effective means of leverage vis-à-vis India. The policy worked to some extent, but, on the whole, India's political and economic presence in Nepal did not allow Nepal to act independently. The trade “impasse” imposed by India in 1989 was one of the cases. The reason India took this step was that it uncovered evidence of the purchase of arms by Nepal from China and the presence of a Chinese technical team in a National Highway construction project along the Indo-Nepali border. India took these issues very seriously. Consequently, the supply of essential commodities to Nepal was virtually suspended and life came to a standstill.
    The economic crisis caused by the trade “impasse” was solved by political changes in Nepal and India and by the gradual improvement in the India-China relations. The relationship between Nepal and India started to show signs of change in the 1990s. Negotiations between the governments have grown more transparent and straightforward. For example, Nepal began to press for changes in the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1950, especially the parts which Nepal felt to be unfavorable and India has agreed to look into the matter. Despite frequent changes in governments in both countries, there is a hint that a kind of consensus in bilateral relations is being established and shared by both countries.
  • 吉岡 斉
    科学技術社会論研究
    2016年 12 巻 37-47
    発行日: 2016/05/30
    公開日: 2023/09/11
    ジャーナル フリー

      It is indispensable for the survival of the State and local communities around nuclear facilities to take effective measures for controlling catastrophic damages from a nuclear severe accident. Japanese people keenly realized this lesson from the nuclear disaster in Fukushima began on 11 March 2011. This paper discusses three topics concerning the Fukushima accident, and severe accidents of nuclear facilities in general.

      First, we evidently conclude that the developing process of the Fukushima nuclear accident could be understood by ordinary people with certain professional knowledge about nuclear severe accidents. A circumstantial evidence is my own experience at the beginning of the Fukushima accident. On the contrary, the Japanese government consistently hesitated to inform the actual state of affairs concerning Fukushima disaster (chapter1 to 3).

      Second, we make a comparative analysis between the damage caused by nuclear explosive devices and that of nuclear facilities like nuclear power plants, to clarify the characteristics of damage from nuclear severe accidents (chapter4 to 6).

      Third, we analyze the characteristics of the failure of the Japanese government, local governments, and the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) at the Fukushima nuclear disaster, and indicate the challenge of improving Japan nuclear disaster countermeasure system (chapter7, 8).

  • ―第二次大戦末期の一兵士の野戦郵便より―
    小野寺 拓也
    現代史研究
    2006年 52 巻 41-55
    発行日: 2006/12/25
    公開日: 2018/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中村 文雄, 水越 治, 中井 佳夫, 小田 雅義, 菅原 基夫, 後藤 修二, 三宅 弘, 松崎 久, 伊藤 明和, 近藤 隆, 滝本 勲, 高原 滋夫, 岡崎 英生, 安原 皓之, 鈴木 安恒, 臼井 大一郎, 坂本 裕, 森本 正紀, 永谷 憲, 牧本 一男, 簑和田 寛子, 竹田 禎郎, 長谷川 高敏, 内藤 儁, 植松 治雄, 渡部 泰夫, 小坂田 誉志夫, 掘井 健, 山本 馨, 中井 義明, 粟田口 省吾, 今 一郎, 堀口 申作, 秋吉 正豊
    内耳生化学
    1970年 1 巻 1 号 3-15
    発行日: 1970年
    公開日: 2011/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
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