In the fall of 1947, the author noticed the fact that the unknown stone industries without earthenwares are buried in the so-called Kanto-loam beds at Iwajuku, Kasakake village, Gunma prefecture, northern Kanto district. Subsequent investigations assured us that these buried industries represent the non-ceramic or the pre-Jomon culture of Japan. As a result of the author's archaeological research in this region, it has been shown that the non-ceramic culture is divided into four different stone industries; namely, the microlithic, the point, the blade and the hand-axe industries. From a stratigraphical point of view, on the other hand, three beds of loam (upper, middle and lower) occur in the northern Kanto district. A correlation between the archaeological and geological records seems to be as follows;
It will certainly be significant that in the Akagi region, the point iudustry is usually found from the upper loam, while the hand-axe industry in the middle or the upper part of the lower loam.

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Nukisaki-jinja, which has been the highest shinto shrine of Kozuke province (now Gumma prefecture), has a history of its unique architecture. The official record written on the backside of the Engishiki law-scroll inherited by the Kujo clan tells us about its main shrine and the temporary shrine for the god-moving (Sengu), both built in 1025 A.D. The most important members of their structures were the ridge-supporting-posts (Muna-bashira) and the eaves-supporting-posts (Nokibashira). Building construction with the ridge-supporting-post, generally speaking, has been rarely used after the introduction of Chinese architecture and, at present, only its pretended vestiges are seen in the main shrines of Isejingu, the Great shrine of Izumo and other few shrines. But four ridge-supporting-posts in the main shrine (three in the temporary shrine) of Nukisaki-jinja all supported the ridge actually. The fact would be a very important information about Japanese native architectural technique. On the other hand, the existing main shrine of Nukisaki-jinja, rebuilt in 1635 A.D., has an appearance of a usual modern shinto shrine. But its dimensions are nearly equal to those of the former shrines above mentioned, and an inside ridge-supporting-post, called Shin-no-mihashira, still stands in its former position. And the sanctuary is on the upper floor, while usual shrines have no upper floor. These features of the existing shrine reveal the original form of the shrines of Nukisaki-jinja, which have probably had preserved the form of the primitive dwelling house of ancient Japan.

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Nukisaki shrine is one of the most important shrines in Gunma prefecture and its foundation possibly dates away back to 531. Shikinen Sengu Ceremony of Nukisaki shrine has been repeated every twelve years since 1590 and the latest ceremony was held from 2004 to 2005. As a result of surveying series of the ceremony the present author found out three points, such as follows: 1)the ceremony is basically managed by administrative organizations and Shinto shrine communities, 2)ceremonial goods dedicated for building Okariden(temporary shrine) are partially ordered to traders, because of the waning of local community, 3)the stations(Tamuro) are selected from houses which are along the road and have adjoining rooms, but it is difficult to find them out.

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筆者は, さきに, 北部九州数ヵ所の農村調査を通して, その氏神祭祀と葬制に, ともに, 「左(手)」の習俗がみられることを明らかにし, 同じムラにおけるそのそれぞれが, 異なった意味ないし異なった原理での「左(手)」であるということをのべたことがあった(『民族学研究』51(4)所収の拙論)。ところが, その後の研究調査の結果, 「左(手)」の習俗は, そのようないわば「成立宗教」に対する「民俗宗教」に深くかかわっいることが明らかとなった。また, 氏神祭祀上と葬制上とにみられる「左(手)」の習俗も, 共通する意味合いにおいて統一的にとらえることも, 一面, 可能であり, 要するに, わが国の宗教文化において, 「左(手)」が「呪術・宗教的活動」にかかわり, 「右(手)」が「世俗的活動」にかかわるとするいわゆる「二元構造」も想定される。本論は, ニーダム(NEEDHAM, R.)がアフリカ・ケニアのメル(Meru)族およびウガンダのニョロ(Nyoro)族の宗教文化の「左(手)」を分析し解釈している「二元的構造論(dualism)」を援用しつつ, わが国の宗教文化にみられる「左(手)」の習俗の事実を解釈してみた一つの試みである。

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おもに前期古墳から出土する底部穿孔壺は,何を目的に古墳上におかれ,どのような祭祀が行われたのか。小論は底部穿孔壺を用いた古墳祭祀を俎上にあげ,その意味の解釈を試みる。
まず底部穿孔壷祭式の変遷をあとづけ,その原形が底部の打ち欠かれた少数の装飾壺が古墳上におかれるというものであることを明らかにする。次に,東アジアの稲作地帯に分布する農耕儀礼のあり方に着目し,種籾を貯蔵する壺に穀霊が宿るという信仰がさまざまな形で広く分布していることを確認する。そしてこれと同様の思想が弥生時代以降の日本列島にも存在していた可能性を考え,壺が穀霊信仰にもとづく農耕儀礼と密接な関係にある遺物であることを推測する。壺が用いられた葬送祭祀は,これを破砕もしくは穿孔することで壺に宿ると観念された穀霊を後継者へ継承することを目的とし,その被葬者は農耕司祭者としての性格をもっていたのではないかということを指摘する。

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本稿は,古墳の石室が墳丘のどの位置に構築されるかという墳丘と石室の相関性に注目し,埋葬施設の多様さが顕著にあらわれる日本列島の後期・終末期古墳を主な対象として,その地域性や時間的変化など地域的・時期的特質を論じる。
墳丘と石室の相関性を分析した結果,前期古墳以来の墳丘規模を優先する墳丘優先型,後期古墳からはじまる横穴式石室を優先する石室優先型,墳丘・横穴式石室双方を優先する折衷型の3つに分類することが可能である。
次に,3分類の分布変化から地域的な変容をたどると,墳丘優先型は,後期古墳の段階では前方後円墳築造周縁域を中心に根強く残るが,終末期古墳になると,折衷型および石室優先型の一元的波及によって墳丘優先型が駆逐されていくことが判明した。しかし関東地方以北では,墳丘優先型が根強く残存する地域が多いことが明らかになった。こうしたことから,古墳築造における優先項目は,墳丘規模を第一義におく地域,石室を第一義とする地域など,地域によって古墳築造の特質が異なると考えた。
さらに墳丘規模について検討を加えたが,後期古墳において墳丘長60m前後で墳丘の序列が変わる可能性を指摘した。石室優先型の前方後円墳に前方部を延伸させ,60mという墳丘規模を達成させた事例がみとめられることなどによる。この序列をそのまま終末期古墳に引き継いだ地域が,上野・下野・上総・下総など,関東地方の諸地域であり,西日本を起点とした前方後円墳の終焉という変革を受容しつつも,地域独自の古墳観は崩さなかったことが背景にあると考えた。そして,後期古墳における関東地方や九州地方など,前方後円墳築造周縁域の様相は,畿内地域のそれと大きく異なり,終末期古墳になると,畿内的に変容する地域が増加する一方で,畿内との違いが依然として顕著な地域が存在することを明らかにした。

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Archaeological excavation has confirmed a rapid increase in the construction of Buddhist temples in the provinces during the latter half of the seventh century. Looking at the temples built in eastern Japan during that time, we find them located not only in well-known traditional tumulus areas, but in other areas as well. From temples with the names of districts (kori郡), it is clear that temple construction was being carried out by local powerful families, mainly district administrators (kori-no-tsukasa郡司). In addition, from examples of temples being excavated near district offices (gunga郡衙), it has been suggested that these temples possessed public functions. However, since there are no existing records and no chronological connection linking district offices with adjacent temples, we should probably consider their character as family temples, or ujidera氏寺, an idea that appears in such documents as memorials inscribed on Buddist statues sculptured during the period and the "Kanaizawa Hibun"金井沢碑文 inscription. The reorganization of local administration following the Taika reforms of 645 AD made it possible for both district offices and local temples to be constructed in areas other than where tumulus clusters existed. This sudden appearance of district offices in not-tumulus areas is recorded in the legend surrounding Mibu-no-Murajimaru壬生連麿 in the Hitachikoku Fudoki常陸国風土記. Changes in local governance came about under the kori評 system implemented during the reign of Emperor孝徳. While the position of Kori-no-tsukasa under this system favored pre-Taika powerful local families, former kuni-no-miyatsuko国造, the great increase in the number of districts under this system necessitated appointments four times the number of existing kuni-no-miyatsuko families. From the item in an edict issued to governors in the eastern provinces decrying local powerful families falsifying the record to gain appointments, we can confirm the dilemma that this new system posed to local power politics at the time. The excavation of roof tiles from temples in the Kinai region suggest the political nature of temple construction in eastern Japan. In particular at imperial family temples, such as Kawara-dera川原寺, the fact of roof tiles being "donated" seems to have been one way for local families to guarantee their political positions. The significance of temple construction on the local level lay in gaining recognition of existing political positions from the central powers in the Capital. Due to the bureaucratization of local powerful families under the centralized state system, it became necessary to stabilize power on the local level. On the other hand, for newly rising local powers, the implementation of the new kori system presented an opportunity for building new political bases. Finally, this new system of local governance also necessitated a new ceremonial agenda, which was provided by Buddhism.

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