The aim of this paper is to analyse Fusae Ichikawa's (1893-1981) thinking on political-education, and to clarify the wishes and strategies for women that the Woman's Suffrage League of Japan (WSL) had in the movement for women's suffrage.

  Ichikawa played an important role in the WSL from its beginnings to its end. She regarded women's suffrage as a key for women's liberation, and believed that women's suffrage would raise the social status of women and promote equality between women and men. She also believed that women's suffrage would be able to abolish feudal ideas that hindered the adavance of equality between women and men. These beliefs led her to reconfirm the significance of political education for women. The concept of political-ecucation that she used is similar to a concept of civic education.

  The movement of political-education of the WSL had the effect of informing people of the significance of women's suffrage and of transmitting of knowledge about politics, economy and society through their lecture meetings and/or their publications. The WSL demanded that civic education should de added to girls'schools curricula. It was added in 1932. Ichikawa emphasised “critical ability” in civic education.

  The WSL's political education had some limits. Because of the wide varieties of situation in which political education was to be undertaken, its design became abstract. Also, because the WSL were unable to think about “critical ability” itself criticaly, they could not present a concrete program for political education.

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  The aim of this paper is to clarify the position and characteristics of Political Education in the activities of The Woman's Suffrage League of Japan (WSL) which was organized to agitate for women's suffrage in 1924.

  The most important aim of WSL was to achieve women's suffrage. Therefore they lobbied the Diet. They assumed that Political Education would become more familiar to women and a more important part of their activities after they got the vote. The movement for women's suffrage made progress in this period.

  After “Mansyu-Jihen” (1931), however, lobbying for women's suffrage at the Diet began to decline gradually. To cope with this difficult situation, WSL began to cooperate with local governments instead of going directly to the Diet During this process, they realized that connecting Political Education with the everyday lives of women would arouse their political interest.

  This Political Education was meant to increase the popularity of the movement to get women's suffrage by focusing on the everyday lives which women were living. It was also meant to convert their individual demands into political opinions, through their everyday lives.

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本稿は，「政治分野における男女共同参画の推進に関する法律」（以下，候補者男女均等法）施行後はじめての全国規模の選挙である 2019年４月実施の統一地方選挙のうち議員選挙を取り上げ，自治体レベル別・党派別・男女別にデータを整理し，政治的リクルートメントの観点から，2019年の統一地方選挙において，女性の議会進出がどこまで進んだか，政党は女性候補者をどのように擁立したのか，について明らかにすることを目指す。2015年のデータと比較すると，2019年統一地方選挙では，女性候補者割合，女性当選者割合ともにすべての自治体レベルで過去最高を記録したが，地方議会全体で女性議員の増加率はわずかであった。日本の地方議会への女性の参画は着実に進んだが，なぜ「微増」だったのか。政党所属の議員割合が高く，最も女性の進出度が低かった道府県選を考察した結果，男性候補者が減少傾向であるのに対して，新人の女性候補者数やその当選率，１位当選の女性候補者数は上昇していること，その一方で，新人の女性候補者の増加が一部の政党に留まったことから，女性候補者・当選者の大幅な増加には至らなかったことが明らかになった。

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本稿は，戦後から現在に至る鳥取県を事例として，各種選挙結果やいくつかの調査結果を踏まえてその歴史をたどることで，地方議会における女性議員の過少代表の原因を明らかにし，今後この問題を克服するための方策を論じるものである。鳥取県に限定された事例ではあるが，全国の多くの地域に共通する歴史と課題を提示できると考える。分析にあたって，過去 70年余りの時代を，「抑圧からの解放」期，「長い低迷」期，「一村一女」期，「ゆるやかな増加」期の４期に区分した。1947年４人でスタートした市町村議会の女性議員は 51年には６人へと増加するが，その後長く低迷する。1983年に男女共同参画推進や「マドンナ・ブーム」もあり１％を超え，さらに４分の３の自治体に最低１人女性議員がいる時代を迎え，2009年にようやく 10％を超える。しかしその後は 11 ～12％で停滞している。女性議員の過少代表を克服するには，ジェンダー・クオータの導入と同時に人材育成，女性への偏見根絶に向けた高等教育の現場での啓蒙活動，さらに選挙制度改革などを進めることが必要であると考える。

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