詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "挙母藩"
19件中 1-19の結果を表示しています
  • 小滝 省市
    日本都市計画学会中部支部研究発表会論文集
    2022年 33 巻 59-62
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2022/10/03
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
    本調査は,洪水常襲地域である旧挙母(現愛知県豊田市)において,水害と治水対策の歴史,城下移転に至る経緯とその要因を明らかにしたものである.
    挙母藩
    が城下の高台移転を決断した契機となったのは明和4年の洪水であり,その最大の原因が矢作川の天井川化であった.要因として挙げられるのは,江戸初期の河床替工事による土砂堆積であるが,上流側の山津波による災害も加わり,さらに,農民の反対運動による安永川工事の遅延が被害を拡大した.また,昭和46年と明和4年の浸水範囲が一致することからも,堤防決壊など大規模な水害が発生した場合は,地形的に脆弱なエリアへの浸水被害が予想される.自然地形の上に都市が成立している以上,江戸期からその脆弱性は変わっていない.今後,都市の防災対策を講じる上で,過去の災害の被害状況と経緯,原因について調査分析し,治水対策等に活用することが重要である.
  • 新地理
    1973年 21 巻 3 号 60-61
    発行日: 1973/12/25
    公開日: 2010/02/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大日本窯業協會雑誌
    1902年 11 巻 124 号 133-145
    発行日: 1902年
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1996年 105 巻 7 号 713-740
    発行日: 1996/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 島原の乱の使者の戦い(3)
    武田 昌憲
    尚絅学園研究紀要 A.人文・社会科学編
    2012年 6 巻 A1-A24
    発行日: 2012/03/31
    公開日: 2018/08/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    島原の乱当時の藩を一欄に示し、この中で使者を派遣した諸藩を指摘した。そしてこの乱が全国的な影響を与えたことの証左とした。
  • 大日本窯業協會雑誌
    1909年 18 巻 207 号 128-139
    発行日: 1909年
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 朝倉 治彦
    四日市大学論集
    2010年 23 巻 1 号 156-136
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2019/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 三河県、静岡藩、重原藩の状況を中心に
    加藤規博
    愛知県史研究
    2018年 22 巻 17-30
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/08/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小野 佐和子
    ランドスケープ研究
    1996年 60 巻 5 号 395-398
    発行日: 1997/03/28
    公開日: 2011/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    駿河原宿植松家の帯笑園の訪問者の内, 高家大名等身分ある人々の訪問の具体的な有り様を, 植松家に残された日記と立ち寄り記録により明らかにした。彼らにとり帯笑園は, 園内の植物と共に, 富士の眺めや書画のコレクションが魅力であり, 植木好きの訪問者には, 植物や栽培法の知識を得情報を交換し, 珍しい植物を手に入れる場であったこと, さらに, 植松家は訪問者を通じて書画の収集を行っており, 身分ある人々の訪問は, 植松家にとって, 書画を集める有効な機会であったとする知見を得た。
  • 大日本窯業協會雑誌
    1902年 10 巻 115 号 270-281
    発行日: 1902年
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岩崎 公弥
    地理学評論 Ser. A
    1985年 58 巻 6 号 349-369
    発行日: 1985/06/01
    公開日: 2008/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    近世西三河地域の綿作の地域的特色を,先進地である畿内と比較して検討した.その結果,西三河地域においては,田方綿作・自然堤防地帯の畑方綿作・洪積台地上の畑方綿作・新田砂畑綿作の四つの立地類型がみられた.そのうち,自然堤防地帯の綿作が生産規模の点において,最も中心的地位を占めていたことがわかった.次に,ある上層農の農業経営の分析を通して,西三河地域の綿作の諸側面を明らかにした.上層農の例をもってしても,西三河地域の綿作の生産力は,畿内地域に比べてかなり低いこと,綿の生産量には年々大きな変動があること,水田での綿作では4年に1度田に戻す稲綿輪作が行なわれていたこと,畑方綿作は雑穀との輪作ないし綿の連作として行なわれていたこと,などが明らかになった.西三河地域の綿作は古い歴史を有するにもかかわらず,畿内地域ほどの先進性を示すことがなかった.その最大の原因は,畿内綿作が多様な商品作物生産の一環としての近郊・集約的綿作であったのに対し,西三河綿作が綿単.の商品作物生産を行なう遠郊・粗放的綿作であった点に求められる.
  • 江戸時代法源史の一斑
    林 由紀子
    法制史研究
    1967年 1967 巻 17 号 75-129,ii
    発行日: 1967/10/20
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this article "Bukki-sho" (a book on mourning) is a commentary or the collections of practical cases of the Bukki-ryô (_??__??__??_ the regulation of mourning). Bukki-ryô is a law that regulates how long a man must go into mourning when his relative such as his parent, grandparent, or first cousin dies. The Tokugawa Shogunate, that enacted the Bukki-ryô and put it in force, ordered that the questions on Bukki-ryô should be addressed to the Bukki-gakaris (_??__??__??_ the officials in charge of mouning) in Ometsuke (_??__??__??_Great Inspectors) and Metsuke (_??__??_ Inspectors) of the Shogunate. After that, many private compilations which collected those questions and answers were edited, and thus we can now find a lot of Bukki-shos.
    These Bukki-shos were one of the most important sources of law in the Edo era ; nevertheless, they have only remained the materials for the study of family law and they have not been regarded as an independent subject of study. The chief points of this essay are how the Bukki-shos in the Edo era were compiled, how many classes and genealogies they were assorted into, how they were circulated, and how questions and answers on the Bukki-ryô, which were the core of the Bukki-shos, were asked and given.
    Most of the existing Bukki-shos are manuscpripts and derivatives of the "Bukki-ryô senchû" _??__??__??__??__??_ or the "Bukki-ryô-shôkai" _??__??__??__??__??_ Accordingly we can regard these two genealogies as two main currents of the Bukki-shos. While the Bukki-ryô-shô-kai was compiled by Kagemichi Toyama _??__??__??__??_, the Bukki-gakari Metsuke (_??__??__??__??__??_ Inspector in charge of mourning), who was in a position to answer the questions on the mourning, edited for the convenience of performance of his official duty, the Bukki-ry ô-senchû was compiled by Shoemon Nagayama _??__??__??__??__??__??_, the Rusui (_??__??__??_ Deputy during Absence) of the Yamagata clan _??__??__??_, who was in a position to ask questions on the mourning on behalf of his clan, in 1781. And this was the oldest of the real Bukki-shos that were not only the collection of questions and answers but also commentaries. It came to circulate through a lot of clans, and many derivatives of it were made up. Sesaemon Katô, the Rusui of the Oshi clan _??__??_, edited the "Bukki-ryô-senchûbunshaku" _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, in which he revised and enlarged the Bukki-ryô-senchû completely, in cooperation with Dan-emon Yagi _??__??__??__??__??__??_, the Rusui of the Takasaki clan _??__??__??_, and the book also became popular.
    It may be said to be a most interesting fact that the real Bukki-sho was made by the clan earlier than by the Shogunate and was developed. And the fact that the Rusuis of clans made, improved and circulated these Bukki-syos show that Rusuis played an important role in making the law of the Shogunate permeate in clans.
  • 勢田 道生
    近世文藝
    2013年 98 巻 31-44
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2017/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 明治初期の農業結社とその人々
    友田 清彦
    農業経済研究
    2004年 76 巻 1 号 16-24
    発行日: 2004/06/25
    公開日: 2014/11/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Kainou-gikai, which was founded in 1875, was the first agricultural society in modern Japan. The periodical bulletin which was published by this society was the Kainou-zappou. This bulletin was the first periodical agricultural bulletin in modern Japan. Therefore, the Kainou-gikai and the Kainou-zappou were very important in the modern history of Japanese agriculture. However, there has been little research about the Kainou-gikai and the Kainou-zappou so far. This study is the first detailed research about the Kainou-gikai and the Kainou-zappou. The aim of this study is to clarify the role the Kainou-gikai and the Kainou-zappou played in the modern history of Japanese agriculture.
    Most of the members of the Kainou-gikai were bureaucrats of the Department of the Interior or the Ministry of Finance. However, this was not all they had in common. From the last years of the Edo Period to the early stages of the Meiji Era, most of the members in the Kainou-gikai studied western learning or Japanese classical literature. In the early stages of the Meiji Era, they were the educated elite concerned with agriculture. Because there were few people who knew about modern agriculture at that time, their roles in popularizing knowledge about modern agriculture and improving agricultural technology were very important.
    The Kainou-zappou became the model for the periodical agricultural bulletins which were published after that. Moreover, the meeting which they held in Tokyo in 1876 (Kainou-rinjikai) became the model for the nationwide meeting on agriculture (Noudankai) in 1881.
  • 川本 亨二
    日本の教育史学
    1964年 7 巻 1-22
    発行日: 1964/10/30
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Whatever is called "arithmetic" in our present system of school education is "yozan" (western arithmetic). This dates back to 1872, when it took the place of "wazan" (Japanese arithmetic) which is quite peculiar to our country. The present thesis is intended as a brief inquiry into the process of the pervasion of yozan in our school system. Yozan came to be known in Japan as early as the first half of 18th century, in close connection with the coming of the western knowledges of astronomy, tactics and so on. But it was mainly via China through the Chinese translations. The visit of American warships in 1853 was really an epoch-making event in the history of yozan in Japan. Yozan, which had been considered only as useful against the crisis of the domestic economy, came to be regarded as "necessary" for surmounting the diplomatic crisis. It is only then that the systematic teaching of yozan began in our country. It was launched out at the Nagasaki Naval Academy (1855-59), where yozan was regarded as the most important basic knowledge for all military sciences. In Hanko (educational institution for the military class), there had been a tendency toward neglecting arithmetic, even wazan. But as the problem of national defense became urgent after the visit of the American warships, yozan began to be taught at some Hanko. To most Terakoya (private school for the lower class), however, yozan gave no great influence worth mentioning, except a few where it was taught in compliance with the pupils' request. Though yozan had thus given quite a limited influence on our school education, it was decided in 1872 in the code entitled "Gakusei" that only yozan should be taught as "arithmetic" at every school in Japan. The aim of Gakusei was, first of all, the rapid growth of Japan into one of the advanced countries. In this sense, it seems natural that we have accepted yozan as our only "arithmetic", following other advanced countries. But it shouldn't be regarded only as a matter of imitation. The largest motive of our having accepted yozan lay in the then urgent desire for the increase of our defensive power which is eloquently expressed in the active attitude of the Nagasaki Naval Academy toward the introduction of tactics. Preference of yozan to wazan came in fact more from the need of national defense than from any academic comparison between them. In other words, the western knowledge which was indispensable in our national defense couldn't be learned efficiently without western methods of calculation and description. "The western arithmetic for learning the western knowledge" this was what made us prefer yozan to our old wazan.
  • —内分と孝行・家内和合の問題から—
    藤方 博之
    比較家族史研究
    2015年 29 巻 22-41
    発行日: 2015/03/31
    公開日: 2016/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本 英貴
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 9 号 1574-1596
    発行日: 2012/09/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this article is to examine the relationship between the Tokugawa Bakufu and Japan's feudal domains from the time of the Kansei Era reforms, which began in 1787, through the Kyowa Era, ending in 1804, by portraying a comprehensive picture of the scandal of 1801 involving feudal domain representatives stationed in Edo (rusui 留守居) and their concurrent punishment. The author begins by analyzing the Bakufu deliberations regarding how the rusui were to be punished, questioning of the suspects by Bakufu superintendent Inoue Moritoshi and Moritoshi's recommendations to top feudal domain officers concerning punishment, in order to understand the incident from beginning to end. Of the 59 top domain officers ordered to punish their rusui, 30 were feudal lords (daimyo 大名) who were in attendance before the Shogun in the Teikan Hall at Edo Castle, meaning that they had been allies (fudai 譜代) of Tokugawa Ieyasu. Next, the author turns to the developments within the feudal establishment after the incident and the problems facing the related research to date, which has been retarded due to historiographical reasons. In particular, the author points to the spontaneity with which the Teikan Hall daimyo chose to discipline their rusui, showing that there were those among them who were not marked for punishment, a fact which demonstrates the great impact which the scandal exerted on the feudal domains. Finally, the author examines reasons why the rusui under provincial scale (kunimochi 国持) daimyo and the Tokugawa Ieyasu family domains (gosanke 御三家) were not punished. He shows that punishing the kunimochi rusui would have dealt a serious blow to the Shogunates's prestige and authority, while punishing the gosanke rusui would have provided the pretense for the elders (tukekaro 付家老) of those domains, many of whom were descendants of fudai daimyo vassals, to elevate themselves to the level of "daimyo." The author concludes that while the Bakufu during the Kyowa Era exhibited a high degree of severity in dealing with the rusui scandal, it was also forced to give careful consideration to all of the affair's possible ramifications and nuances. Moreover, such thoroughness was a characteristic feature of Bakufu operations during that time and an important factor in its relationship with the country's feudal domains.
  • 宮川 泰夫
    経済地理学年報
    1978年 23 巻 3 号 17-43
    発行日: 1978/02/20
    公開日: 2017/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新地理
    1997年 45 巻 1 号 47-74
    発行日: 1997/06/25
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
feedback
Top