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  • 北野 弘久
    法社会学
    1986年 1986 巻 38 号 120-125,219
    発行日: 1986/04/20
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    For the better or for the worse, the corporation forms the center of modern law. In other words, it would not be a mistake to say that the modern corporate law determines the whole of modern law. Even major corporations are private enterprises in their legal forms. Large corporations, in reality, do not differ from the "governmental enterprises" which are run with public money. With regard to large corporations, there are such patterns and practices as "hidden subsidies", "favorable orders from the government", "political donations", etc. Accordingly, in a legel sociological sense, (that is, as "living law") "corporate sovereignty", rather than the "people's sovereignty" in the contritutional law sense, has become prevalent.
  • 馬場 巌
    法政論叢
    1994年 30 巻 82-90
    発行日: 1994/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    1. Preface 2. Article 43, problem of "the extent of purpose" 3. Article 43, problem of apply to the company 4. Political contribution from the company 5. Article 90, problem of political contribution 6. Relation of political contribution and unjust enrichment 7. Conclusion
  • 小野 幸二
    法政論叢
    1994年 30 巻 98-101
    発行日: 1994/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    First, Mr.Takeda, a member of our association, advocated, as a preventive measure against undue(or improper)political donations, the establishment of a "disclosure system" whereby statements of accounts and the like will be subject to disclosure. Secondly, "Mr.Bamba, another member, examined the question of whether or not, on the grounds of invalidity, a demand for the return of undue political donations to a political party, political group or an individual politician can be made against these recipients, from the standpoint of Civil Law. My view on this matter is that it is necessary, before any examination, to first define the nature of the political donation involved as a)donation which complies with the Political Fund Control Law, or b)donation which violates the Political Fund Control Law or c)the so-called under-the-table donation Furthermore, "legal action against representatives, " based on commercial law, should have been one of the possibilities looked into, as a means of pursuing the responsibility which lies with the directors of a company. Various procedures, supported by civil and commercial laws, are possible for the prevention of undue political donations. However, in any event, no procedure can surpass in its effectiveness, the efforts of the directors of corporations, to faithfully fulfill their inherent duties in their capacity as executors of business, in order to free themselves from and excessive reliance on and adherence to politicians. It is my hope that these efforts would bring about a desirable change, if only slightyly, in the attitude toward political ethics.
  • アメリカ法を素材として
    山田 創一
    私法
    2001年 2001 巻 63 号 195-201
    発行日: 2001/04/30
    公開日: 2012/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • -国民世論も国際的協定・趨勢も許すものではない-
    野上 浩志
    日本禁煙学会雑誌
    2017年 12 巻 2 号 34-39
    発行日: 2017/04/25
    公開日: 2017/05/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 三枝 有
    法政論叢
    1994年 30 巻 58-66
    発行日: 1994/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    At present, in most civilized countries, political ethics is taken as a very important matter and seems a difficult thing. Politicians are so accustomed to receive a lot of money as the political contribution. But their attitude invites much suspicion about their motives. The political ethics we have today will never be too easy to preserve. If we want to find out the value of political ethics, see the law situations in the United States of America, England, and Germany. In these countries, except for political parties, political ethics forbids enterprises to contribute a large sum of money to politicians. But, in Japan, the legal system of political ethics is insufficient to prevent corruption. f politics today seems to deteriorate, if it seems to become more and more chaotic and meaningless, it is primarily because we have no settled and satisfactory arrangement for political contributions, and because we have both vague and diverse legal policies about the prevention of corruption. The first essential institutions will be established institutions for the prevention of political corruption. So, it is only through criminal punishment and administrative sanctions that a way out can be found from the danger with which political corruption is threatening democracy. We will find out that it is worth while to strengthen the articles against bribery, that it is worth while to establish a third surveillance organization, and that other sanctions provide us practical and effective measures. This paper contains the following items: 1.Introduction 2.Situations of Political Ethics and Punishment 3.The Political Contribution and the Bribe 4.The Conception of Bribes 5.Conclusion
  • 上原 利夫
    日本経営倫理学会誌
    2005年 12 巻 43-52
    発行日: 2005/03/31
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In recent years, Corporate Social Responsibility ("CSR") has increasingly become an important issue around the world. However in Japan, corporate law does not include an article related to social responsibility but only defines the basic framework of corporate governance. This leaves most Japanese companies to fulfill such responsibility by setting up individual compliance programs based on their business ethics. But because each management has framed different definitions on business ethics, corporate scandals are still on the increase. Although corporate law does not cover the social responsibility issue, Article 644 of the Civil Code in Japan (the "Zenkanchui-gimu") requires directors and executive officers to perform their duty of care. So when a company misconducts their business by overlooking CSR, its directors and executive officers may receive legal sanctions for the violation of Zenkanchui-gimu. To avoid such a case, auditors should closely check the process of directors' business judgments even though the corporate law does not require it. The current trend of CSR, combined with corporate governance, will support management in carrying out their business based on business philosophy and eventually help their business to survive. In other word, CSR reinforces the defect of the corporatelaw.
  • 生田 勝義
    刑法雑誌
    1996年 35 巻 3 号 487-491
    発行日: 1996/05/20
    公開日: 2022/12/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • -国民世論も国際的協定・趨勢も許すものではない-
    野上 浩志
    日本禁煙学会雑誌
    2018年 13 巻 2 号 29
    発行日: 2018/06/05
    公開日: 2018/06/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 堀江 湛, 石田 榮仁郎
    法政論叢
    1994年 30 巻 1-7
    発行日: 1994/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    From 10:00am on November 13, 1993 (Sat.) at HOKURIKU University, the eight members reported their research findings on the given topic, "Political Ethics." This was followed by three commentators, and further followed by a question and answer session in the floor. Prof.Fukashi HORIE, KEIO University, and I were selected as coordinators of this Symposium. Being novice coordinate except Prof.HORIE, I hesitate to say that we glided through the Symposium. Nevertheless, thanks to the cooperative, understanding and tolerant members, the Symposium closed very successfully.
  • 北野 弘久
    学術の動向
    2002年 7 巻 2 号 24-28
    発行日: 2002/02/01
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 孝一
    生協総研レポート
    2016年 81 巻 51-59
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2023/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 孝一
    生活協同組合研究
    2015年 475 巻 51-60
    発行日: 2015/08/05
    公開日: 2023/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中原 俊明
    私法
    1978年 1978 巻 40 号 202-204
    発行日: 1978/05/30
    公開日: 2012/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 梅村 光久
    法政論叢
    1993年 29 巻 104-123
    発行日: 1993/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    1. Introduction 2. History of political funding system 3. Public funding system and eligibility for funding 4. Dislosure of campaign expenditures 5. The state of political funds 6. Public funding received by major parties 7. Conclusion
  • 日本血管外科学会雑誌
    2013年 22 巻 2 号 179
    発行日: 2013/04/23
    公開日: 2013/04/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • ニュー•デモクラット•ネットワークを中心に
    久保 文明
    選挙研究
    2002年 17 巻 71-83,205
    発行日: 2002/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    現在米国の民主党内では,ニュー•デモクラットと呼ばれる新しい系統の議員が急増している。この背景にはニュー•デモクラット•ネットワーク(NDN)という民主党の政治活動委員会(PAC)の活動が存在する。NDNは1996年に発足したばかりのPACであるが,ニュー•デモクラット系の議員候補に対して直接
    政治献金
    を行っている。1990年代前半までは議会に中道派の議員集団は存在しなかったが,今日では民主党下院議員の約3分の1,上院議員の4割がこの系列の議員集団に所属している。1985年の民主党指導者会議の結成,1989年の進歩的政策研究所の設立を経て,ニュー•デモクラットの政治運動はNDNという政治資金調達装置と議員集団をもつに至り,党内で最大派閥となっており,これによって民主党の性格も大きく変化しつつある。本稿はこのような民主党の変容についての事例研究である。
  • 最近の汚職諸問題を中心として
    安平 政吉
    刑法雑誌
    1954年 5 巻 2 号 117-158
    発行日: 1954/11/20
    公開日: 2022/12/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 判例研究の目的と方法に関連して
    富山 康吉
    法社会学
    1965年 1965 巻 17 号 94-108,3
    発行日: 1965/04/25
    公開日: 2009/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    It has been recognized, in the methodological controversies covering the civil cases, that decision making consists of judge's value judgment, a substantial weighing of conflicting interests in a particular situation. This general formula applies to the commercial cases as well. It is hardly possible to draw a distinct line to separate the “commercial” type of conflicting interests from the “civil”. The conflicts of both homogeneous and heterogeneous interests, in terms of participants and goals to be pursued, present themselves in the situations giving birth to the commercial cases. The commercial relations differ from the civil situations only in the degree of the complexity, the complexity of conflicting multiple values and interests. Clear evaluations and examinations of the correlations or interactions, accordingly, among the facts, conflicting interests and their qualifications, would merit our special attention in dealing with the commercial cases.
    A practical view point would disclose that the commercial tribunals have functioned to supplement the legislative lacunae, taking place through the constant birth of new types of business enterprises or activities, falling outside the scope of the statutory provisions. To the more realistic eyes, the destined role assigned for the tribunals appears sterile and inexpedient, since the general investors or consumers rarely bring suits to the courts by themselves and the business enterprises prefer normally other means to settle the matter; through, for instance, arbitration, conciliation, mitigation or negotiation.
    Granted the judicial decision making would give an influential impacts upon the legislature for the revision of the positive precepts, big enterprises, quickly responding to the decisions, put pressures on the legislative revision processes to deny, through the parliamentary authority, the progressive judicial decisions. Under those recent legislative trends and circumstances, it could be easily perceptible more attempts should be directed toward the better embodiment of academic influences on the legislative processes rather than to those contentions concerning the statutory interpretations to be adopted or applied within the judicial processes, since the case law studies have less significance in the realm of commercial law researches. Little significance could be given, by the same token, to the “predictability of future decision”, the chief concern for the legal-empiricists in their case law analysis, which might constitute an expedient goal in other field of laws. More important is the examination into the legal dynamics, viewed in the whole context of both judicial and legislative processes, together with the evaluation of big business behaviors, relevant to the legal processes.
  • ――アメリカの企業を中心として――
    小林 俊治
    組織科学
    1992年 26 巻 1 号 33-43
    発行日: 1992年
    公開日: 2022/07/15
    ジャーナル フリー
     アメリカ企業と政治の関係をステイクホルダー・アプローチの視点から分析する.企業の政治戦略は,経済市場の枠組を決定する政治市場における企業のポジショニングを重視し,本来の経営戦略の遂行を容易にする政治環境の創出を目指す.企業の「政治化」は,多元的社会では不可避的現象であり,その現実を,政治戦略の主要担当者であるトップおよび広報部門だけではなく,全社的に認識する必要がある.
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