茨城県内の二つのフキ栽培地 (HO 区,TS 区) で 2013 年 3～10 月, 2014 年 3～7 月に月 1 回地上部を採取し, 2014 年 3 月にリターと表層土壌 (0～5 cm) を採取して放射性 Cs 濃度を調べた。葉の ¹³⁷Cs 濃度はフキノトウが存在する 3 月に高く, 葉のバイオマスが多くなる 5 月には低下した。その後は, 葉の成長が衰える盛夏までに HO 区では増加し, TS 区では顕著な増加は起こらなかった。葉の ⁴⁰K 濃度は両区であまり変わらず, 3～7 月に漸増した。両区の空間線量率や [リター+表層土壌] 中の放射性セシウム量に特段の違いはなかったが, HO 区には上木があり, リター量やリター中の ¹³⁷Cs 量が TS 区の約 3 倍あった。葉の ¹³⁷Cs 濃度の季節変化の違いに栽培地間の上木とリターの状態の違いが関係している可能性がある。

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近年，日本にはウルシToxicodendron vernicifluum が縄文時代から生育していて漆液が利用されていたことが明らかとなったが，ウルシは中国原産であり，縄文時代の初頭に中国からもたらされたと考えられている。日本で栽培されているウルシの起源をさぐる第一歩として，中国におけるウルシの分布範囲の確認と生育状況の現地調査を行った。日本では，従来ウルシ属Toxicodendron とヌルデ属Rhus（日本産ではヌルデのみが含まれる）は区別されてこなかったが，近年の分類学的な見解は両者を独立のものと考えている。標本調査と中国の地方植物誌によると，ウルシは北緯 5°〜 1°の，東は遼寧省から西は西蔵自治区におよぶ広い範囲に分布していることになる。我々の調査結果では野生のウルシは湖北省西部と遼寧省本渓市に生育していたが，浙江省では自生のものを見つけることができなかった。ウルシの栽培は湖北省西部と浙江省の一部で見ることができたが，遼寧省では行われていないし，漆液の採取も行われていなかった。ウルシは，ヤマウルシとヤマハゼ，ハゼノキといった他のウルシ属植物とは生育場所が異なっており，野生ウルシの生育地にはこの 種はなく，この 種の生育地には野生ウルシは生育していなかった。

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観光業の発展により，中国では観光景区周辺に居住する地域住民の生業に影響が出てきた。しかし観光景区の発展による地域住民への影響について，具体的かつ詳細に示された既往研究は限られている。そこで本研究は，中国･四川省に位置する剣門関観光景区の志公村を対象とし，観光景区の本格的な整備が周辺地域住民の生業に与えた影響を明らかにすることを目的とした。観光景区管理機関や地域住民からの聞き取り調査および参与観察を行った。観光景区内の開発のために一部住民の農地が収用された。農地を収容された住民は，その補償金や優遇政策によって観光関連事業への参入の機会を得て，農業から脱却するだけではなく，出稼ぎへの依存度も軽減した。一方，農地が収用されなかった住民は観光業参入への恩恵はなく，出稼ぎが主要な生業を維持し続けているが，農業への依存度も下がり賃労働も増えた。観光景区の発展による地域住民への影響は，農地の収用と適用される政策の有無により，大きく偏りがあることが明らかになった。

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The basic official policy of the Sung dynasty with regard to repairing embankments of yu t'ien 〓田 was characterized by consistent noninterference, leaving it to cooperative works of those who owned yu t'ien inside yu. Direct state interference and control were unnecessary because a system of labour service for embankment called chao t'ien chu tzu 照田出資 had been established as a traditional practice in the villages in this region. On occasions the authorities availed themselves of this system when they found necessity of embankment works. According to this system every owner of yu t'ien in a yu contributed to common funds his money assigned to him correspondingly to the size of his land, .and members of his household provided labour necessary for the embankment works. The system was the fairest and the most reasonable method in order to repair common banks with the least trouble because it could minimize conflicts of classes of people that arose from the difference of wealth. It is to be noted that there were two ways in which t'ien hu 佃戸, tenant farmers participated in embakment works. In one way they took intiative in undertaking repair works without any compulsion of their landlords, and carried out the works offering free service of their family labour. They did this because maintenance of embankments in good condition was directly connected with their crop and was their vital concern not to be neglected. But there was another more important reason for it, namely economic circumstances of the owners of yu t'ien; that is to say, the landowners could not afford to carry out chao t'ien ch'u tzu which required contribution of large amount of money. In the other way, when the works were carried out on the basis of the practice of ahao t'ien ch'u tzu, t'ien hu were employed and given money out of the common funds contributed by the owners of yu t'ien. The conditions of their employment were the same as those on which members of yu t'ien-owners' households of various classes and many other labourers outside the yu were employed" It was not that their social status as t'ien hu meant that they were compelled to labour at the embankment works by their landlords, but that they were willingly engaged in the works for the purpose of supplementing their family budgets. Although their wages in general were low since, the nature of the work was simple and required neither skill nor intellect, the rate of the wages were determined in keeping with supply-demand relation, different social customs of villages, or the wages paid by the authorities to the labour at such public works as building or repairing pei t'ang 〓 dams.

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A new agricultural aspect in Chiang-nan 江南 in the age of Sung was that new fields called wei t'ien 囲田 and yu t'ien 〓田 were reclaimed as a result of development in the marshy districts along the shore of the lakes and the coastal regions. But it cannot be overlooked that regional development by means of irriguous reservoirs called pi t'ang 陂塘 which had been a traditional technique since the age of Han 漢 was also carried out in mountainous districts and other regions where irriguous streams were not available. Che tung 淅東 was a district where pi t'ang were very prevalent, and Wu-chou, located in its center and surrounded by hills on all sides but one, was the place where pi t'ang were most numerous. It is shown in the Ming 明 Ch'ing 清 land data that the reservoir density (reservoir area/cultivated land area) in Wu-chou was 10 per cent, while that in the neighbouring regions was under 5 per cent. Especially high percentages were shown in I wu hsien 義烏県 (14%), Lan ch'i hsien 蘭谿県 (12%), Chin hua hsien 金華県 (11%), and Tung yang hsien 東陽県 and Yung k'ang hsien 永康県 (10% respectively). On the basis of structural characteristics of many of the reservoirs, and because of the fact that the reservoir density was 13 per cent in Lan ch'i hsien at the time of Chin-chieh-fa 経界法 in the age of Nan Sung 南宋, it can be stated that reservoirs had prevailed in Wu-chu as widely in the age of Sung as in the ages of Ming and Ch'ing. In Wu-chou there were two types of the structure of reservoirs. Reservoirs of one type were constructed by means of building a dike on one side or two, with the other sides being surrounded by hills, and those of the other type by means of building a circular dike at flatlands. Respective reservoirs were generally small in area, average area being 20 to 30 mou 畝, and were able to irrigate a field about ten times as large as their own water surface area, which means that the average area irrigated by one reservoir was 200 to 300 mou. The small scale of those reservoirs enabled farmers to build them on their own account. But it can be presumed that there was an inevitable ceiling to the investment on irrigation works because the reservoirs, which for the most part were small and dispersed, were not always very effective against drought or flood. It is plausible that agricultural productivity in Wu-chou had already reached a certain limit in the age of Sung because in Wu-chou after the age of Sung there was no remarkable increase either in the area of cultivated lands or in the number of households. With such situations as its setting, people in Wu-chou directed their effort at regional development to sericulture, silk weaving, tea planting, fruit culture, pisciculture, etc. which they could foster by taking advantage of given natural, geographical conditions.

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