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  • 郭 茵
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 12 号 2171-
    発行日: 1999/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大川 裕子
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 12 号 2171-
    発行日: 1999/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山田 雪乃
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 12 号 2171-2172
    発行日: 1999/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 荒瀬 康司
    人間ドック (Ningen Dock)
    2014年 29 巻 1 号 7-8
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「皇帝像」を考える
    齋藤 道子
    経済史研究
    2017年 20 巻 1-29
    発行日: 2017/01/31
    公開日: 2018/07/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 飯田 祥子
    史学雑誌
    2009年 118 巻 5 号 886-891
    発行日: 2009/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 工藤 元男
    法制史研究
    2007年 2007 巻 57 号 297-305
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2013/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤田 勝久
    史学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 8 号 1536-1544
    発行日: 2014/08/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 李 開元
    史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 11 号 1823-1854,1971-
    発行日: 1990/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    "The Imperial Edict in the 5th year of Emperor Gao-di "(「高帝五年詔」) was a very important decree in the early Former Han Period (前漢). The author has done textual research of the Edict in detail. As a result, this paper has shown that the Former Han government gave military officials and soldiers many titles of nobility in accordance with the Edict, and at the same time gave cultivated land and curtilage land according to the stipulation for records in the Han Military Code (漢軍法) in the early Former Han Period. The Han Military Code was set up by Han Xin (韓信), a famous general of Liu Bang (劉邦). In the district of Hanzhong (漢中), in the period from April to August of the first year of the Han Dynasty he issued the Military Code based on the Qin Military Code (秦軍法). The author estimates that Liu Bang's army totaled about 600 thousand persons at the time "the Imperial Edict in the 5th year of Emperor Gao-di" was issued. In accordance with the Edict, all military officials and soldiers were given the 5th grade noble status, at the same time a military person with such status could obtain 500 mu (畝) of cultivated land and 25 mu of curtilage land in accordance with the Military Code. Given 600 thousand military personel, 300 million mu of cultivated land and 15 million mu of curtilage land were granted. This amount of land equaled 40 percent of the total amount of cultivated land in the Former Han Period. Furthermore, the 600 thousand military officials and soldiers made up about 4 percent of the total population at the time. However, including family members the military accordance for 3 million people, or 20 percent of the total population. In conclusion, because of the "Imperial Edict in the 5th year of Emperor Gao-di" and aseries of other relevant laws and regulation a new social stratum would have been formed in the early Former Han Period, if all these laws were thoroughly implemented. This stratum, based on military meritocracy, had decisive political strength, strong economic power and high social status. It created the Former Han Dynasty and supported the dynasty for a long period of time.
  • 金山 泰志
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 11 号 1856-1880
    発行日: 2011/11/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Much of the research to date concerning how China was viewed by Japan during the Meiji period has focused on specific intellectual strata or individual figures, mostly in a negative vein, and has yet to empirically study shifting trends among the general population. Given this situation, the present article focuses on the country's children, using the medium of children's magazines and how they depicted China to identify a major shift during the period just before and after the 1st Sino-Japanese War. Because children's magazines contain not only topical and amusement features, but also educational ones, content seen as edifying for children was included to a significant degree, therefore presenting an evaluation of China thought to be appropriate in Japanese society as a whole. First, the author finds that the content of children's magazines forces one to make a distinction between contemporary China and the China of the classical world, the common trend from the sample of articles chosen being to portray the former in a negative light, the latter in a positive one. Due to the outbreak of war between the two countries, this negative view of contemporary China shifted greatly along with a significant increase of related features on the subject. However, throughout the period in question, this negative trend continued to appear side-by-side with the positive view of historical China. The research to date has not considered this distinction and coexistence, which made it possible, in light of the centuries of historical interaction between Japan and China, for Japanese public opinion to avoid putting the past in a pejorative context for the sake of contemporary feelings of animosity.
  • 莊 卓燐
    史学雑誌
    2019年 128 巻 2 号 36-59
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2021/08/26
    ジャーナル フリー
    漢初において、高祖皇帝劉邦は近臣との関係を保つために、「符を剖かち、世々絶ゆる勿し」の約束を交わしたが、伝世史料には符の正体について明記されていない上、諸家の注にも検証されることがない故、約束の内容は不明確である。従来では、この符を功臣の特権的な地位の永続(封爵之誓)と関連させて考えるが、本稿では西北簡の研究成果を踏まえ、通行証としての符を伝世史料の条文に当てはめて考える。
     第一章では、戦国から漢初までの中華世界の地域観念の変遷を考察し、秦の「統一」、楚(項羽)の封建制の復活、漢の郡国制、一連の流れを整理し、戦国~漢初における地域観念の連続性を指摘し、符の通行証としての理解の適用範囲を確認する。
     第二章では、漢初における諸侯王との剖符を考察する。
    楚漢戦争
    の中で、漢は同盟する諸王国を警戒すべく、符を用いて東西を繋ぐ関所の弛緩を掌握した。その体制は、漢帝国が都を檪陽から長安へ遷しても継承され、関中地域の地理的優勢を活かし続けたと考えられる。
     第三章では、漢初における列侯との剖符を考察する。漢初の支配領域の拡大および支配体制の維持に対応すべく、漢は列侯を対象に剖符する措置を施す。その中には、「符を剖かち、世々絶ゆる勿し」の条文が示すように、自由に関中地域を出入りする特権を永続的に所持する特殊な剖符事例が見られる。
     第四章では、『里耶秦簡』と『張家山漢簡』を手掛かりに、列侯と徹侯との改称事情を整理し、中国古代社会における流動性の変化を指摘する。
     中国古代帝国は、地域と地域との移動が厳しく規制される環境であった。人間の移動を規制する国家意志は、専制権力の形成に影響する。その下で、移動規制を解除する符は、単純に通行証としての機能を果たしたのみではない。信頼関係に基づく通行許可は、人と人の絆を深め、漢皇帝による符の下賜は功臣たちとの人的結合関係を維持する役割を持つと論じる。
  • 李 開元
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 10 号 1717-1748,1890
    発行日: 1999/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The ruling system of the Early Former Han Period(前漢) consisted of three powers standing side by side: the imperial court, the government and the kingdoms. In this system, the governmental power was monopolized by a Military Meritocracy. The direction of this system was decided by the Pa-Ma Covenant(白馬之盟), which was concluded between the emperor and his ministers in the 12th year of Gao-di(高帝), and the organization for this system was completed during the reign of Empress Lu(呂后) P. This article, which is based on the connection between the imperial court and the government, further analyzes a movement in the central government during the reigns of Empress Lu period and Emperor Wen(文帝). In reaching his results, the author has studies several matters, including the rebellion of the Lu Family, the relocation of the Marquis States, and the demotion of Jia Yi(賈誼). The author concludes that all these events are connected to the Military Meritocracy of the early Han Period.
  • 楯身 智志
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 3 号 323-356
    発行日: 2012/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Former Han Dynasty adopted a system of territorial administration that blended an earlier system of commanderies and counties with feudalistic institutions, as the administration of regions lying east of Hangu 函谷 Pass was completely entrusted to marquises and princes affiliated with the imperial family. However, it is generally understood that following the revolt of the seven kingdoms, including Wu 呉 and Chu 楚, during the first year of the reign of sixth emperor Jingdi 景帝, those marquises and princes were deprived of their power and became no more than nominal rulers. But was this really the case? In this article, the author examines from various perspectives the post of chamberlain for the imperial clan (zongzheng 宗正), who oversaw the imperial household, and thereby probe the reasoning behind the continuing enfeoffment of marquises and princes even after the reign of Wudi 武帝. The investigation yields the following conclusions. First, the main duty of the zongzheng was to be abreast of all information related to the imperial family by preparing and maintaining a genealogy. Secondly, a member of the Liu 劉 imperial family was invariably appointed zongzheng, because his duty was to act as intermediary between the imperial household and the families of its marquises and princes, who could at anytime turn against the emperor. Consequently, great importance was attached to the backgrounds of potential zongzheng during selection, while various politicians sought to exercise their influence in appointing to the post a blood relation of those marquises and princes who were capable of interceding between them and the imperial household. Finally the reason why zongzheng were selected mainly from a family only distantly related by blood to the emperor was that throughout the Former Han period, tension often arose between the emperor and the families of his brothers; therefore, use had to be made of the authority exercised by more distantly related marquises and princes. This shows that even after Wudi's reign, when the marquises and princes lost real power, they retained a certain degree of influence on imperial politics, forcing the emperor to be ever aware of their movements. If these findings are indeed accurate, there is room to reexamine the opinion that the marquises and princes had become no more than nominal rulers from the time of Wudi's reign. They also provide a key to further considering the question of why the Former Han Dynasty was compelled to assume the outward veneer of a federation of aristocratic fiefdoms, while aiming at a system of unified, central rule under the emperor.
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