価値形態論は，日本のマルクス経済学が世界に誇るべき研究蓄積を持つとともに，マルクス経済学原理論の体系において根幹に位置する領域である．戦後日本において大きな影響力を持った宇野弘蔵の価値形態論は，不確定な市場を理論化するための重要な起点となっていたが，現代的な資産市場の動態を前に，その説明力を失いつつある．本稿ではその不十分さを直視し，価値形態論の現代的意義を再構築すべく，宇野が批判対象としていた『資本論』のテキストに戻り，再批判を試みる．その際，戦後日本の最大級の論争であった宇野と久留間鮫造の間の価値形態論争を振り返り，価値形態の量的側面を取り去り質的側面に焦点を絞る質量二分法的方法の限界を確認する．その上で，宇野の価値形態論のロジックから，ある商品の価値を別の商品と比較する表現を，価値形態の基礎として取り出す．商品所有者は，ある商品を欲しいと思ったその瞬間に，その商品を手に入れるのに対して自らの手許の資産が足りるかどうかという，価値に関する量的比較を初源的に遂行している．市場とは，単なる商品交換ではなく，こうした比較表現を等置表現へと固めていく量的関係が結ばれていく場なのである．

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It is an important problem of agricultural geography in Japan to study the mountain agriculture in this country having few plains. The writer, studying the Mountain agriculture at Naka-Iya, has found several interesting phenomena as follows:
1) All of the settelments and cultivated lands are located on steep slopes almost 20-40°, see Tab. 1). One can get there on foot only by some mountain passes higher than 1, 000m above sea level. Accordingly, it costs a great deal to transport every goods to and from the outside.
2) The productive power of land is very low, owing to climatic conditions together with the inferior fretility of soils resulting from severe soil erosion.
3) The technical backwardness of agriculture aggravates the lowness of the natural productive power; e. g. the lack of attention to warming the irrigation-water, no pretention against soil erosion, use of indigenous species of crop, etc.
4) The population is too great for the cultivated area on the one hand, and its location prohibits the people to engage in any other occupation than agriculture on the other, accordingly the scale of agriculture is very small. It seems to me that the people have been able to maintain the largest crop yield, conquering the technical inferiority and the low natural potentialities only by the most intensive labour.
5) Most of the cultivated lands are normal fields and yakihata (burning cultivation field) called kona, paddy-fields being very few. Barley, wheat, tobacco, sweet potato and mitsumata (from the bark of which Japanese paper is made) are the staple products there.
6) Cheap in transportation cost relatively to its weight, tobacco has been the most important cash crop since about four hundred years ago. It was grown on the more than half of the normal fields by all farmers. But in and after the wartime, its area was reduced to the present acrage of tobacco which is less than a quarter of the prosperous time (Fig.2). Sweet potato has been taking the place of it on account of the bad conditions of food supply, changes of their prices and the large new demands of labour (lumbering and constructing of dam).
7) Natural grasses, useful as the roof material, fertilzer, and fodder, are so abundant that it is quite free for every one to mow the grass over “Iriaichi” (communal grassland).
8) There remains a custom of labour rent (the old tenancy system whose farm rent is paid by labour) a kind of serf-system.

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The Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought was founded in 1950, five years after World War II. Academic work in the field of economic thought was abundant before the war. The academic attainments in that area were guite high in the 1930s.
The classical economics was introduced from the very beginning of the Meiji era. Under the Taisho democracy, via the foundation of the Japanese Society of Social Policy, there appeared two main streams of thought regarding the history of economic thought, the Marx-Kawakami and the Schumpeter-Fukuda schools of thought. Kawakami, pioneer of Marxian economics in Japan, wrote a book on the history of economic thought, which was the biginning of the Marxian type of history of economic thought. Schumpeter and Fukuda had a great influence on neoclassical type of research on the history of economic thought, having a strong effect, for example, on Yasui's works on Walras. As a result, in the 1930s, Japan experienced almost a world class level of research, including many general histories of economic thought. Although World War II interrupted and distorted the development in this field, the Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought was founded successfully by the eminent historians who had worked in the 1930s.

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The first chapter on the commodity in Marx's Capital forms a theoretical microcosm, where all the essential germs of the whole principles of capitalist economy are condensed. Therefore, we have to reexamine its theoretical implications or problems in view of the whole theoretical system of Capital. This essay presents four points which seem worthy of our contemporary reconsideration on this chapter. (1)This chapter begins with an impressive sentence that "the wealth of societies in which the capitalist mode of production prevails appears as an 'immense collection of commodities'". What does the wealth of (either capitalist or other) societies mean? The central theoretical analysis in Capital shows how annual flow of labour products constitutes the social substance of wages, profit and ground rent in capitalist societies on the basis of labour theory of value. However, the wealth of societies must contain stock of asset as well as flow of income. Although analyses of values of fictitious capital concerning financial securities or land are analyzed to a certain degree in Capital, what to understand capital gain or loss in asset values seems to remain as a theoretically thorny problem in relation to the labour theory of value. (2)The first sentence of Capital introduces analysis of the commodity as an elemental form of capitalist societies. However, Marx well recognizes in the same chapter that commodities appeared before capitalism, originally as inter-social exchange trade relations. By emphasizing such an external historical origin of the forms of commodities, Kozo Uno reformulated Marx's theory of forms of value as the pure theory of forms of circulation without referring to the social substance of value. In this context, Marx's dialogue with Aristotle on the historical ground for evolution of the concept of value needs further reflection.(3)Marx's unique theory of value dualizes the notion of value into the forms and the substance of value. Prices as the developed forms of value of commodities and the quantities of labour-time embodied in commodities as the substance of values need not be directly proportional so long as surplus labour-time can be flexibly used outside of maintenance of reproduction of commodities. There is a problem how to incorporate such a range of disproportion between the forms and the substance of values consistently in our attempt to complete Marx's labour theory of value including the solution of long-standing transformation controversy. (4)Marx's treatment of complex labour has been another major source of debates against his labour theory of value. Following Ricardo, Marx basically disconnected the causal relation between the value and usevalue of labour-power. However, concerning the complex labour-power, he left problematic statements that the higher value of skilled labour-power enables its use-value hourly to produce more of labour substance in comparison with the case of general unskilled workers. My own reinterpretation on this issue is suggested from a more egalitarian theoretical stance.

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This paper intends to examine the circumstances and the activities of the Relief Work Investigation Committee, established in 1918 as an advisory body for the Secretary of the Interior. In 1917, the Department of the Interior had an idea to establish the new bureau to administrate labor problems and social work problems. This first attempt was unsuccessful, and then, Government decided to establish a new committee for discussing this affairs, as a substitution for the bureau. So the Committee, the Relief Work Investigation Committee, took charge of the investigation of all affairs of social work as well as the affairs properly belonging to it, and really contributed to form public policies The notion apeared in the Committee was the idea of social reform which was succeeded from 1900's. And the activities of the Committee was essential to the process of forming the policy concerning the social welfare through interwar period in Japan.

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近年の社会事業史研究の特徴の一つは,社会事業をめぐる言説があたかも社会事業を創出する直接の要因であるかのような前提のもとに,言説分析に力点が置かれてしまっているところにある。この論文は,言説分析よりも社会事業そのものの実態分析を重視するという立場から,大阪府方面委員制度創設の歴史的意義を検討したものである。この論文では,同制度創設以前に実施された大阪府警察による社会事業に注目し,警察社会事業と方面委員制度との比較分析を行った。警察社会事業は,事業対象者に対して一律に貯金強制を行うなど,貧困事情の個別性に対応できないという限界を有していた。大阪府方面委員制度は,この限界を克服するという面を持っていた。官僚的・画一的・強制的な取締を本質とする警察社会事業と対比して表現するならば,この制度は,「不定形・情緒的・個別的な働きかけ」と特徴づけられる,新しい社会事業なのであった。

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"c+v" theory has been widely recognized as a fundamental theory which shows the relation between non-capitalistic family farms and the capitalistic economy, "c" and "v" express the constant capital and the price of agricultural labor or the required household expenses of a farm family, respectively. According to this theory, since "v" is prescribed by non-agricultural-employed laborer's wages, the rise in agricultural productivity brings profits and a land rent in addition to wages to some owner-farmers. Consequently, the farmer class decomposes capitalistics and employed laborers and capitalistic agriculture is born from owner-farming. With such an interpretation, "c+v" theory is regarded as the basic theory which shows the future vision of the capitalistic economy which includes owner-farmers. However, the vision of the formation of capitalistic agriculture with sufficient profits and a land rent has not been actualized in Japan. First of all, except for period immediately after the end of World War II, agricultural labor income has not been balanced by laborer's wages. It is shown clearly in this paper that the the theory has the following fatal problems. It depends on a semblance, "price of labor", and on an error in which value and price of small farmer's commodities are prescribed by laborer's wage law. The mechanism of formation of laborer's wages differs fundamentally from the value and price of small farmer's commodities. Therefore, "c+v" theory cannot be adjusted in the value theory and cannot have validity as a social economic theory. But, why, then, was such theory made into the basic theory on the agricultural problems? The reason is that it is exactly a reflection of the conflict included in the actual mechanism by which the farm family is reproduced, and that the conflict expressed by the mechanism of the reproduction of a farm family is the constant antagonism between the family farm and the capitalistic economy. This paper clearly shows from the structure of this reproduction that the subject entrusted to this theory is in the grasp of the conflict between capitalism and agriculture. Present family farming theory should be built by the result of capital accumulation movement rather than capital theory. However, the conventional theory which makes the cost price theory a starting point therefore is based on what the capital law realizes. Consequently, it has a fatal defect in dealing with problem exceeding capitalistic economy, such as agricultural environmental problems and national agreements regarding of supporting agriculture. That is the reason that we ask for the abandonment of "c+v" theory as the first step toward resuscitation of the theory on agricultural problems.

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This article analyzes the genre of jinbutsu hyoron [articles written about notable figures], specifically during the surge of its popularity in Japanese journalism during the early 1930s. By this time, the democratization of the publication industry that began in the late 20s had reached its peak and the journalism had fully matured. These developments, however, spurred editors toward an unprecedented reliance upon the celebrity of those who wrote for their publications, a policy that was also in line with efforts to make commentary more appealing and accessible to the general reader who lacked basic knowledge. As a result, it could be said that the reader in turn consumed not the content of the text but the very name of the author who wrote the text. At the center of this article is an analysis of this form of consumption, which I refer to as "name consumption." Jinbutsu hyoron became popular as a genre that manifested this motive for publication. This analysis gathers samples of jinbutsu hyoron that have hitherto been ignored, as well as samples of related discourse, from literary magazines, mass magazines, and newspapers of the time and, while comparing them against each other, demonstrates the reality and the perceptions surrounding the representations of notable figures. First, I delineate the basic format and stances of works of jinbutsu hyoron. Next, taking into account the linguistic context of the reader, I analyze the conditions of reception of these works by relating them to the publication environment at the time. Lastly, by also taking a look at cartoon articles, which were equally popular during this period, I attempt to establish a more multi-faceted understanding of "name consumption." Overall, this article seeks to shed light on the way celebrity was a driving force in the structure of journalistic discourse in the 1930s.

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