Chieh-yen (解塩), which is now called Ho-tung-yen (河東塩), was the salt obtained from Yen-chih (塩池) in the south of Shan-hsi Province (山西省). It was because Yen-chih was under the jurisdiction of Chieh-chou (解州) in the Sung age that the salt was called Chieh-yen. Though Yen-chih is only a little salt lake, the output of Chieh-yen in the Sung age amounted to about half of Hai-yen (海塩) which meant the salt produced in all the coastal regions. In this age salt was ordained to be a government monopoly article, and various sorts of salt such as Hai-yen, Chieh-yen, Ching-yen (井塩), etc. were allocated respectively to specific consumption areas. Since Chieh-yen was produced in great quantities, a vast consumption area was set for it between Tsao-pu (曹濮) and Ch'in-feng (秦鳳). In this vast consumption area set for Chieh-yen, however, there were a number of places of production of salt other than Chieh-yen, such as Nu-yen-chih (女塩池) and Five Hsiao-chih (五小池) in the vicinity of Yen-chih, vorious prefectures (州) and districts (県) along the Yellow River (黄河) such as T'ung-chou (同州), and those in a fringe area. The salt produced at these places was not monopolized, and some of them, like T'ung-chou-yen (同州塩) was produced in such a considerable quantities that it was broadly used as private salt side by side with monopolized salt, thus disturbing the monopoly system for Chieh-yen. It is not hard to imagine that such sorts of salt as were produced in small quantities also disturbed the system to some extent even if there is no explicit evidence thereof. This short essay is an attempt to show the actual conditions at various places of salt production in the consumption area of Chieh-yen in the age of Sung, on the basis of scanty evidences in the Sung age and in the light of local records and historical literatures in the ages of Ming (明) and Ch'ing (清). The existence of these places of salt production reveals not only inconsistency of the Chieh-yen Act (解塩法) but also weakness of the Salt Monopoly Act under the reign of the Sung dynasty. It might be said that it clearly indicates the character of both national finance of the Sung dynasty and the Sung dynasty itself, and furthermore the character of the different dynasties in the history of China.

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"The Imperial Edict in the 5th year of Emperor Gao-di "(「高帝五年詔」) was a very important decree in the early Former Han Period (前漢). The author has done textual research of the Edict in detail. As a result, this paper has shown that the Former Han government gave military officials and soldiers many titles of nobility in accordance with the Edict, and at the same time gave cultivated land and curtilage land according to the stipulation for records in the Han Military Code (漢軍法) in the early Former Han Period. The Han Military Code was set up by Han Xin (韓信), a famous general of Liu Bang (劉邦). In the district of Hanzhong (漢中), in the period from April to August of the first year of the Han Dynasty he issued the Military Code based on the Qin Military Code (秦軍法). The author estimates that Liu Bang's army totaled about 600 thousand persons at the time "the Imperial Edict in the 5th year of Emperor Gao-di" was issued. In accordance with the Edict, all military officials and soldiers were given the 5th grade noble status, at the same time a military person with such status could obtain 500 mu (畝) of cultivated land and 25 mu of curtilage land in accordance with the Military Code. Given 600 thousand military personel, 300 million mu of cultivated land and 15 million mu of curtilage land were granted. This amount of land equaled 40 percent of the total amount of cultivated land in the Former Han Period. Furthermore, the 600 thousand military officials and soldiers made up about 4 percent of the total population at the time. However, including family members the military accordance for 3 million people, or 20 percent of the total population. In conclusion, because of the "Imperial Edict in the 5th year of Emperor Gao-di" and aseries of other relevant laws and regulation a new social stratum would have been formed in the early Former Han Period, if all these laws were thoroughly implemented. This stratum, based on military meritocracy, had decisive political strength, strong economic power and high social status. It created the Former Han Dynasty and supported the dynasty for a long period of time.

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All the territories and households of the Mongol empire were distributed out to ChingizKhan and his Kinsmen and ruled over as a hereditary fashion. Such feudal system (分封制) was put into practice during the Yuan period after the base of Qubilai-Qa'an's political power was transferred to sedentary China. Much research has been done on the feudal system of Chingis-Qan's empire. Nevertheless, that system enforced in the Yuan period has hardly been researched at all. The purpose of this study is to examine it, focusing on the An-hsi Wang 安西王 which was the title of the third son of Qubilai Manggala and his son Ananda. This study may be summarized as follows. In the first chapter the structure of the enfeoffments of An-hsi Wang and their political and military functions were investigated. The enfeoffments were consisted of three points. The first is three residencial areas which were for summer and winter camps and a military station against Qaidu's invasion. The second was eight provinces and twelve prefectures in Ching-chao fu 京兆府. A portion of the tax collected from these regions was given to An-hsi Wang. Furthermore, Manggala was given the authority to rule over Hehsi 河西, Ssu-chuan 四川, T'u-fan 吐番. The administrative machine of An-hsi Wang called An-hsi wang hsiang fu 安西王相府 established in place of Qa'an's iocal administrative machine Hsing-hsing 行省. This was the third. The power of An-hsi Wang was endowed by Qubilai. So naturally the succession of the title from Manggala to Ananda had to be approved by Qubilai and the misgovernment of Ananda resulted in abolition of his administrative machine. Ananda obeyed the authority of Qubilai. But as soon as Temur succeeded to the position of Qa'an after Qubilai's death, He demanded that new Qa'an re-established his administrative machine. It was re-established coexisting Hsing-hsing. Ananda gained the power to dominate Hehsi, Tangut region according to Rashid. As the bonds of family relationship between An-hsi Wang and Qa'an were relaxed, Ananda became independent. After the death of Temur Ananda was killed in the struggle for the position of Qa'an and his ruling rights were absorbed into the Hsing-hsing administration and his various fiefs and households were given to other princes. The struggle for the position of Qa'an was an expression of the institutional contradictions in the feudal system. In the second chapter the structure of economic base of An-hsi Wang is made clear. The kind and number of the households dependent on An-hsi wang and tax incomes are classified, along with studies of salt monopoly and other taxes. It is hoped that the significance of the feudal system in the Yuan dynasty can be integratively clarified by an accumulation of such case studies.

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The Former Han Dynasty adopted a system of territorial administration that blended an earlier system of commanderies and counties with feudalistic institutions, as the administration of regions lying east of Hangu 函谷 Pass was completely entrusted to marquises and princes affiliated with the imperial family. However, it is generally understood that following the revolt of the seven kingdoms, including Wu 呉 and Chu 楚, during the first year of the reign of sixth emperor Jingdi 景帝, those marquises and princes were deprived of their power and became no more than nominal rulers. But was this really the case? In this article, the author examines from various perspectives the post of chamberlain for the imperial clan (zongzheng 宗正), who oversaw the imperial household, and thereby probe the reasoning behind the continuing enfeoffment of marquises and princes even after the reign of Wudi 武帝. The investigation yields the following conclusions. First, the main duty of the zongzheng was to be abreast of all information related to the imperial family by preparing and maintaining a genealogy. Secondly, a member of the Liu 劉 imperial family was invariably appointed zongzheng, because his duty was to act as intermediary between the imperial household and the families of its marquises and princes, who could at anytime turn against the emperor. Consequently, great importance was attached to the backgrounds of potential zongzheng during selection, while various politicians sought to exercise their influence in appointing to the post a blood relation of those marquises and princes who were capable of interceding between them and the imperial household. Finally the reason why zongzheng were selected mainly from a family only distantly related by blood to the emperor was that throughout the Former Han period, tension often arose between the emperor and the families of his brothers; therefore, use had to be made of the authority exercised by more distantly related marquises and princes. This shows that even after Wudi's reign, when the marquises and princes lost real power, they retained a certain degree of influence on imperial politics, forcing the emperor to be ever aware of their movements. If these findings are indeed accurate, there is room to reexamine the opinion that the marquises and princes had become no more than nominal rulers from the time of Wudi's reign. They also provide a key to further considering the question of why the Former Han Dynasty was compelled to assume the outward veneer of a federation of aristocratic fiefdoms, while aiming at a system of unified, central rule under the emperor.

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中国初期庭園における先行研究は主に文献史料を引用してその様相を描こうとしたが、現存する明清以降の庭園と文献史料の関連記録から初期庭園の有様を推測し、中国の庭園は初期から自然風の山水園であったと主張する傾向が強い。そこで、本稿では中国初期庭園の発掘遺跡を中心とし、補助的に当時の文献史料や絵画資料とも対照した。その結果、中国の初期庭園では、人工美と秩序を重んじた幾何学的デザインが主流であること、園池に用いられた曲尺形の意匠は王室庭園だけに許された様式であること、中国の古代庭園における直線的護岸の園池は、中国固有の起源を持つものであること、が明らかになった。

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It is usually regarded that the gradual increase in quantity of the water transportation from the beginning of the Han Dynasty (漢初) to the reign of Emperor Wu (武帝) was mainly caused to transport of local revenues to the central government, as it was so later in the Sui-T'ang (隋唐) period. There are, however, very few studies to demonstrate concretely the purpose and method of the water transportation, and its system has scarecely been studied. This paper, therefore, firstly investigates the past studies on the purpose of the water transportation and shous the way how to collect the crop in the Former Han Dynasty, and then, discusses its characteristics and its relations to the local revenues. After that, it will examine the system which made such enterprise possible, and clarify a feature of the administrative organization of the Former Han Dynasty. In summery, it is assumed that in the beginning of the Dynasty, the water transportation was carried out in a small scale just to transport the reserved grain of Ao-Ts'ang (敖倉) in Hsing-Yang (〓陽) to the central government. In the reign of Emperor Wu (武帝), it was promoted in a large scale corresponding to the military actions in the north border and the amount of six million Seki (石), the largest in the Former Han, was collected from the crop of the forfeited fields in counties. Accordingly, the crop of the water transportation were mainly from the reserved grain of Ao-Ts'ang (敖倉) and the crop from the governmental fields (公田), therefore, it is clear that there were hardly used as any transportation of local revenues in the water transportation, but including the crop purchased by the Government after the reign of Emperor Hsuan (宣帝). Also as the route of the crop transportation was limited in the route of Huang He (黄河), it was technically difficult to transport the local revenues of every where to the central government. Thus the development of the Place transportation in the Former Han was regarded to be accelerated by the military demand, so, in this point, it was different from the water transportation later in the Sui-T'ang (隋唐) Dynasties. The administrator (大司農) who was responsible to the governmental finance, operated such water transportation enterprise directly, concerning the crop collection, the storage management and the ship construction, but not the transportation itself except employing employees (〓人). The people in the transportation office were provided by the military laborers in the countries, and it may be understood that the association of the water transportation enterprise to the military actions in the north border incorporated the conuty armies under the control of the military organization of the central government. In other words, in the Former Han period, it seemsd that the central government held the civil administration in the county system on the one hand, and provided the function to incorporate the county armies under the military organization of the central control on the other. The study of the evolutional proeess of the water transportation in the Former Han, should be considered important, for it clarifies how the governmental financial system was operated and at the same time the double administrative system in the counties.

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It is well known that the Nei-shih 内史 of Ch'in-Han 秦漢 was an official who dealt with the management of the capital. This is based upon two points. The first is that the Hanshu 漢書 which is one of the most important primary historical materials for understanding the official system in the era of Ch'in-Han, in the nineteenth volume in "Pai-kuan Kung-ch'ing Piao A" 百官公卿表 (上) says that the Nei-shih of Ch'in is an official "taking charge of the management of the capital." The second point is that the Nei-shih in the early Han era was really similar to that in Ch'in era. However, in December 1975, lots of bamboo strips (Chu-chien 竹簡), mostly judicial documents, were unearthed at Shui-hu-ti of Yun-meng prefecture in Hupei 湖北省雲夢県睡虎地, and they gave a surprisingly full account of some parts of the official system and local government organizations at that time, to say nothing of criminal law. Particularly, the articles on the Nei-shih which we come across in the book, show that its status was far beyond what we previously thought it to be, and that it occupied a very important position in controlling the finance of the Ch'in in the Chan-kuo 戦国 era. This means that it is the best primary historical material on a very important issue....how Chih-su nei-shih 治粟内史 and Shao-fu 少府, a financial organization in the Ch'in era, came into being. The conclusion of my paper is as follows : Nei-shih of Ch'in in the Chan-Kuo era had T'ai-ts'ang 太倉 and Ta-nei 大内 (called Tu-nei 都内, latar) as its subordinate officials, and its official duty was not only to govern the proper territory of Ch'in (so-called the land of Nei-shih) but to handle the finance of Ch'in. The above mentioned Nei-shih came to grasp so much power through handling finance that the T'ai-ts'ang and Ta-nei were separated from the Nei-shih by the reorganization of the official system after the unification, and Chih-su nei-shih was established based on it. On the other hand, the former Nei-shih, separated from T'ai-Ts'ang and Ta-nei, was confined in duty and territory to the so-called "Land of Nei-shih" in order to deal with the increasing population of the capital which was accelerated after the unification of the empire. As a result, the Nei-shih and Chih-su nei-shih were established.

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張家山二四七号墓出土竹簡の報告書が出版されてから既に二年あまりが経過した。報告書で初めて明らかになった「出土示意図」をもとに、整理小組の行った竹簡の復元を再検討し、出土時の散乱した状況と、報告時の整然とした状況とのギャップを明らかにすることが本稿の目的である。 取り上げたのは『二年律令』の秩律である。秩律を分析した結果、この秩律が最初に成立したのは高祖七年以前であり、以後、数次にわたって官職名・県道名の追加・削除が行われた。追加の際に一定の書式は存在しなかったが、県道名が所轄の郡ごとに書かれていることから、漢初における郡の境域を考察する上で、この秩律は有益である。しかし、四百石を長とする県道官の規定が欠落しているように、出土した秩律が副葬された時点に通行していた秩律の条文すべてではない。常に欠落を想定して扱うことが必要である。

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It is important to clarify the Tenno system in the ancient Japan. Under the system, not only Tenno but also Dajotenno could have the right of the the sovereign. In China, there were T'ai-shang-huang and T'ai-shang-huang-ti in the capacity of Dajotenno in Japan. But there was much difference between the system in Japan and the one in China. In China, under the principle that the nation should have the only one sovereign, it was natural that the abdicated emperor should be a subject of the new emperor. But in the case of the abdication in one dynasty, the abdicated emperor was not a subject of the new emperor. The abdicated emperor called himself "T'ai-shang-huang" when he handed over the sovereignty to the new emperor. And he called "T'ai-shang-huang-ti" when he did not. In Japan, the abdicated Tenno could be one of the two sovereigns by prescribing the Dajotenno system under the ritsuryo codes. As a result, the abdication under this system was to produce another sovereign. The reason why this system was established though it was in definite in some sense was that Japan had to overcome many difficulties in order to develop into the ritsuryo regime. In that time, Japan required the stability of the regime, for Japan must check some troubles concerning the succession to the throne which often occurred during the seventh century. The Dajotenno system was effective to check them. Under the ritsuryo regime, "Tenno" (as the sovereign) was to, having the original political power, deside both important national policies and miscellaneous everyday affairs. "Tenno" was requested to have the ability to dicide all of them. Dajotenno and Tenno reigned over the bureaucracy, and both attended some functions which both had better attend and either of them attended others which either might attend. This condition was suitable for Japan in that time. This Dajotenno system lost its substance when Japan had been perfectly under the ritsuryo regime and its indefinite rule caused some troubles concerning the sovereignty.

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