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全文: "民族区域自治"
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  • 国家形成をめぐる民族問題
    松村 嘉久
    人文地理
    1997年 49 巻 4 号 331-352
    発行日: 1997/08/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are two main processes underlying the formation of a nation-state. First is the process of state-building, which has been related to the territorialization of state hegemony. Second is the process of nation-building, which is linked with the creation of a citizenry. In October 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came into power, the influence of the CCP in frontier areas occupied by minority nationalities was quite limited. Such areas formed a kind of buffer zone, where the interests of local ethnic minorities, the former Guomindang government, and various foreign powers all lay in competition. Following the establishment of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region in 1947 the CCP produced a state-building plan known as the Regional Autonomy System for Minority Nationalities (RAS), with the purpose of integrating frontier areas into the territory under the direct power of the CCP. The purpose of this study is to elucidate the development of the Autonomy Policy of the CCP, paying special attention to the formation of Chinese state building in the 1950s.
    In the second section of this study the development and present state of Nationality Autonomous Areas (NAA) is examined from a historical perspective. During the period 1947-1958 four autonomous regions, twenty-eight autonomous prefectures, and fifty-three autonomous counties were established. In the 1960s and 1970s, when the ethnic policy of the CCP had been largely rejected under the influence of the Great Leap Forward and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, only the Tibet autonomous region and ten autonomous counties were established. Afterwards, the number of autonomous counties increased rapidly following enforcement of the Law on Regional Autonomy for Minority Nationalities in 1984. Evidence is brought to light, however, to suggest that several NAAs said to have been established after 1959 were set up in the 1950s. In fact, the structure of the present administrative organization in almost all Chinese minority areas, with the only exceptions of the Tuija and the Man nationalities, were formulated in the 1950s. This is considered to be the decisive period in which the CCP government created a nation-state.
    The third section of this paper explains how, in the first half of the 1950s, Nationality Autonomous Regions (NAR) and Nationality Democratic United Governments (NDUG) were set up as predecessors of NAAs. The CCP dispatched missions to three regions with minority groups which, in the South-West and the Middle-South, resulted in the establishment of a large number of NAR and NDUGs. In the South-West region in particular, eighty-five NARs and 163 NDUGs had been set up by the end of 1951 (with a view to their importance for national defence), although formal enactment was not carried out until August, 1952.
    Administrative reorganization of these districts in the second half of the 1950s is discussed in section four of this paper. The Chinese Constitution of 1954 provided for a new administrative order, with NAR and NDUGs to be replaced by NAAs comprising autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures, and autonomous counties. Three policies for reorganization, announced officially at the end of 1954, clarified the complementarity of these districts with one another and introduced certain reforms. RAS policies after 1958 are also discussed briefly in this section.
    The final section investigates whether or not RAS policies have been applied equally to all the main nationality minorities, using data from the 1990 Census of Minority Nationalities. The political and administrative conditions of minority nationalities are classified into six categories according to the number of autonomous areas for each minority nationality and the percentage share of total population occupied by these groups. The results indicate that minority nationalities are not always treated equally by the CCP.
  • 雲南省を事例として
    松村 嘉久
    人文地理
    1993年 45 巻 5 号 491-514
    発行日: 1993/10/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Most modern nation states have been formed through their central governments' delimitation of national boundaries in frontier areas, which were often inhabited by ethnic minority groups. To relax possible ethnic tensions, the central governments have presented ethnic policies. Because the minority policy in a nation is one of the most important factors affecting the process of national integration, it is crucial to explore the development of the policy in detail.
    The ethnic minority people in China account for only 6.7% of the country's whole population However, since the area of their resident districts accounts for more than fifty percent of the nation, and are located at strategically important points, national integration of ethnic minorities has been an essential problem for the Chinese government. Whereas it is said that the government accomplished political equality, it admits the existence of ‘inequality as a matter of fact’: inter-ethnic differentials in both economic and cultural terms. To ameliorate this problem, the government has attempted to implement policies of economic development and ethnic education in the minority districts. To date, their specific circumstances have been rather unclear, however. In particular, with regard to Yunnan Province, Japanese scholars, including geographers, have thus far paid attention to cultural aspects almost exclusively. The purpose of this paper, keeping Yunnan's historical and geographical factors in mind, is to elucidate the development of ethnic minority policy by the Chinese goverment in the province.
    In the second section, the current situation of the minority ethnic groups is discussed briefly. The twenty-four groups with more than ten million people account for 31.7% of the province's whole population, and these compose eight autonomous prefectures and twenty-nine autonomous counties. Furthermore, the twenty-four groups can be divided into sub-groups. These imply the variety and complexty of the province's ethnic composition. Generally, the percentage of minority population is higher in the frontier districts than in the central districts of Yunnan, and particular minorities tend to concentrate partly according to altitude.
    The third section is devoted to an explanation of ethnic policy during the period between 1949 and 1958, when an essential aim of the Chinese government's policy was to integrate minority groups into the new system of the communist nation. Even at the time immediately after the foundation of the nation, the central Yunnan districts were under long-standing control of the Han Chinese in terms of socio-economic activities, suggesting a relatively easy integration of them by the Chinese Communist Party. However, the influence of the party in the frontier districts was negligible, because the districts formed a buffer zone, where the powers of Britain, France, the Kuomintang Government and native nationalist headmen were complicated. The Yunnan government sent there a minority maneuvering party in order to establish a better relationship with the minorities, support their lives and investigate their circumstances. In particular, integration policy in terms of economy and distribution was taken seriously at the beginning of this period. With regard to political matters, autonomous districts were established through the assumption of minority leaders to important posts in the Chinese Communist Party, and, as a result, a great part of the frontier districts came under the rule of the party. Minority groups were divided into four different types from the historical stage standpoint of social development. The Yunnan Government presented four land reform methods, correspondent to this minority grouping. Although the land reform based on this method and establishment of collective farms began in 1955, they have made less progress in the frontier districts than in the central parts of the province.
  • 藤島 範孝
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松本 繁樹
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 井口 正男
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木庭 元晴
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鄭 国全
    日本地理学会発表要旨集
    2003年 2003f 巻
    発行日: 2003年
    公開日: 2004/04/01
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    _I_ 問題の所在中国内モンゴル地域は,清国時代から激しい「蒙地開墾」によって農地化にされてきた.その結果,漢民族の農民が多く移住し,それにともなって,農耕地域が南部から北部へ拡大しっていた.一方、牧畜を営んできたモンゴル民族は,牧畜を営む条件を失ったために,より乾燥した北部のステップ地帯に移住した。また,移住しなかったモンゴル民族は伝統的な遊牧をやめ,農業に転じた.他方,移民してきた漢民族は,一部がモンゴル民族の去った牧地で独自の漢民族社会を形成すると同時に,他の部分が直接モンゴル民族居住地域に移住し,モンゴル民族社会にとけ込み,モンゴル民族の漢化を推し進めた.この結果,内モンゴル地域では,農耕村落が相次いで誕生し,伝統的な遊牧社会と異なる農耕社会が形成された.従来の牧畜地域は農耕地域の北進によって,農耕地域および「半農半牧」地域に変化してきた.こうして,内モンゴルは,モンゴル民族と漢民族などの多民族雑居地域となってきた.中華人民共和国の成立後,「中華人民共和国民族区域自治法」の施行,「改革開放政策」の実施などによって,内モンゴル自治区におけるモンゴル民族と漢民族の共存形態は,大きく変化してきた.本研究は,このような問題意識にたって,内モンゴル巴林右旗を事例に,同地域の蒙地開墾の歴史と移民社会の形成を解明したうえで,牧畜地域とする巴林右旗におけるモンゴル民族と漢民族の共存形態を,民族教育,民族間の往来および通婚、民族のアイデンティティーなどを中心にフィールドワークの成果を通して解明しようとするものである. 巴林右旗は,内モンゴル自治区赤峰市にあり,面積10,256㎢,人口17.5万(2002年),そのうちモンゴル民族が総人口の43%を占めており,4農業郷鎮と15牧畜業蘇木鎮を管轄している.経済的に見れば,巴林右旗は牧畜業を中心とする「半農半牧」地域である._II_ 結果1)モンゴル民族と漢民族の共存社会の形成 巴林右旗は,清国末期に実施した「移民実辺政策」および民国時期の開拓政策によって,多くの漢民族農民が移住し,従来の遊牧地域から「半農半牧」地域に転じ,モンゴル民族と漢民族の共存社会が形成された.2)モンゴル民族と漢民族の分布巴林右旗においては,モンゴルと漢民族は雑居しているが,モンゴル民族は牧畜地域とする蘇木鎮に集中しており,漢民族は農業地域とする郷鎮に居住している.モンゴル民族の大部分は牧畜業を生業とするのに対して,漢民族は農業および商業に従事している.3)民族言語と民族教育 モンゴル民族学生の多数は,モンゴル語で行う民族教育を受けている.民族学校では,モンゴル語,漢語,外国語という「三語併開」の教育を行っている.また,モンゴル語を学習しているモンゴル学生が減少する傾向が見られる.モンゴル語はモンゴル民族の単なるシンボルになりつつある.なお,モンゴル語を学習する漢民族はほとんど皆無に近い.4)民族間の交友関係および民族間の通婚 移民である漢民族は,新居住地に生活するために,モンゴル民族との交友が開放的である.これに対して,先住民のモンゴル民族は,漢民族移民の増加によって,人口の割合が低くなりつつあり,アイデンティティーを維持するために,漢民族との交友が内向的である.民族間の通婚については,モンゴル民族の場合は,若いモンゴル民族と漢民族との通婚率が高く,モンゴル民族幹部と漢民族の通婚率が低い.牧畜地域における漢民族の場合は,「計画生育」や教育などの民族の優遇政策などによって豊かなモンゴル民族との通婚を望んでいるとみられる.また,モンゴル民族と漢民族は,政治,経済,文化,言語および宗教などの多方面から見れば,差異が次第に無くなっている.これは,モンゴル民族と漢民族の通婚率が高まる重要な要因である.同時に,民族間の通婚は民族理解,民族交流,民族団結を促した.5)民族のアイデンティティー 巴林右旗においては,モンゴル民族が集中している地域がみられ,モンゴル民族のアイデンティティーが強いといえ,モンゴル民族の言語,風習,行事などを維持している.一方,漢民族は人口の多数を占めているが,民族のアイデンティティーを維持しながら,モンゴル民族の生活習慣も吸収している. 以上のように,牧畜地域においては,モンゴル民族と漢民族の差異が小さくなっており,民族の共存が進んでいる.
  • 吉田 豊子
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 10 号 1621-1645,1731-
    発行日: 2002/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    It has been maintained that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continued to adopt a policy of granting "national-territorial autonomy" to the nationalists in the Inner Mongolia and that the establishment of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government was a landmark of this policy. This essay aims at shedding light on this problem by analyzing the changes of the CCP's Mongolia policy in terms of changing domestic and international circumstances, especially its relationship to the kuomintang (KMT). Immediately after World War II, the nationalist movement began to gather momentum in the East Mongolia, West Mongolia and Kholon Buir, resulting in the establishment of a government in each area, supported by the Soviet-Outer Mongolia army. These governments claimed to be annexed to Outer Mongolia; however, that claim was rejected. The nationalists in East Mongolia, the strongest group in power in the three areas, established a government that was meant to be a "autonomous to a high degree" and attempted to negotiate with the CCP and KMT to attain that purpose. Opposing this, the CCP organized the Federation of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Movement in west Mongolia where it wielded strong influence. The CCP's policy at that juncture was first to establish a self government at the aimag (盟) -banner (旗) -level under the provincial governments and then establish an autonomous government at a higher level in order to unite the entire area of Inner Mongolia. After the Political Consultative Conference, however, the CCP changed its policy towards the Mongolia in line with the purport of the Resolution of the Conference, by which the CCP made concessions to the KMT in terms of local self-government under provincial governments. This change in policy put the CCP in an advantageous political position against the KMT, but it worked to its disadvantage in terms of its East Mongolia policy. Subsequently, the CCP succeeded in reorganizing East Mongolia, which was being hard pressed by the withdrawal of the Soviet-Outer Mongolia army and deployment of the KMT army, into the 'legitimate' Khinggan Provincial Government through the Chengde Conference. The CCP was, however, caught in a dilemma, being faced with dissatisfaction among the Mongolian people over its policy and the strained military circumstances. It is rather ironical that the CCP was freed from this by the KMT's revocation of the Resolution of the Political Consultative Conference in its National Assembly,which caused dismay among the Mongolian people. On this, the CCP agreed to give a"high degree autonomy" to East Mongolia, purposing to mobilize the East Mongolian people against the KMT. The Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government was thus established, meaning that this government would not lead directly to"national-territorial autonomy".
  • 天安門事件後の中国
    星野 昌裕
    国際政治
    2006年 2006 巻 145 号 57-71,L9
    発行日: 2006/08/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is undisputed that the Tiananmen Incident became a turning point for Chinese politics in various respects. However, today, after 17 years have passed since the Tiananmen Incident, it should be reexamined what impacts the Tiananmen Incident has had in the context of contemporary Chinese politics. The purpose of this paper is to clarify those impacts from the viewpoint of Chinese minority policies relating to the issues of Tibet, Uygur, Inner Mongolia and Korea.
    China's minority policies had become hard line even before the Tiananmen Incident occurred. The Tiananmen Incident played a role in strengthening that hard line rather than acting as the turning point for minority policies. Chinese leaders already recognized the severe national integration problems around the minority regions located along the nation's borders. It is necessary to examine the possibility that the crises that preceded the Tiananmen Incident in the frontier region influenced the policy decisions taken because of and after the Tiananmen Incident.
    Through the 1980's, China made efforts to solve the many minority problems caused during the Mao Zedong era. However, the Tiananmen Incident effectively shelved those efforts. Chinese minority policies after the Tiananmen Incident urge minorities to adopt Chinese culture, including its history, national identity and language. In addition, following the Tiananmen Incident, other cultures and religions have been held in low esteem because China devotes no economic resources to efforts promoting them. Instead, China gives priority to economic development alone in minority regions.
    China has attempted to sever international cooperation between minority movements and outside organizations by strengthening diplomatic relations with surrounding countries and using its power in international relations. On the other hand, there are cases wherein the minority problems have been in fact caused by strengthening diplomatic relations with surrounding countries. The representative case is the Koguryo (in Korean)/Gaojuli (in Chinese) issue between South Korea and China. China claims this area, Gaojili, is historically part of China's regional government founded by an ethnic group. South Korea has lodged a diplomatic protest against China because it considers Koguryo part of Korean history. China claims the issue is academic. The issue is contentious because China is concerned that the Korean minority living in China may seek to have its identity recognized as Korean after the reunification of the North and South regions of the Korean Peninsula.
    As Chinese minority problems are thus internationalized, China will be unable to rely only upon its governing principle using domestic legitimacy alone to solve any problems that arise.
  • アジア経済
    2020年 61 巻 3 号 129-133
    発行日: 2020/09/15
    公開日: 2020/10/14
    ジャーナル フリー HTML
  • 「民族平等」理念の展開
    金 龍哲
    比較教育学研究
    2002年 2002 巻 28 号 212-214
    発行日: 2002/06/30
    公開日: 2011/01/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 韓 載香
    歴史と経済
    2014年 57 巻 1 号 69-72
    発行日: 2014/10/30
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――雲南省・シプソーンパンナー,タイ・ルーの事例から――
    長谷川 清
    東南アジア研究
    1998年 35 巻 4 号 620-643
    発行日: 1998/03/31
    公開日: 2018/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines the construction of ethnic identity and the expression of ethnicity among the Tai Lue of Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan province, by focusing on the dynamics of inter-ethnic relations between the Tai Lue and the Han since the establishment of the People's Republic of China. After the liberation, all factors in Tai Lue society considered as feudalistic were thoroughly dismantled and reorganized in a socialist mold. As a result of process, the Tai Lue faced a great crisis in maintaining their cultural identity. In addition, the radicalism during the Cultural Revolution further severely suppressed their ethnicity. However, the development of the market economy since the 1980s, including the extension of inter-regional linkages and cross-border networks, has brought new possibilities in the promotion of Tai Lue ethnicity.
  • 小川 佳万
    比較教育学研究
    1994年 1994 巻 20 号 93-104,215
    発行日: 1994/07/01
    公開日: 2011/01/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper deals with Chinese higher education policies for minorities focusing on the mechanisms of “preference” and “control.” The findings are as follows: First, the Chinese government established “Institutes of Nationalities”(Minzu Xueyuan) for the training of minorities' cadres. These “Institutes of Nationalities” originated with “Liberation Area-Type Colleges”, which put an emphasis on political-ideological education.
    Second, Chinese higher education policies for minorities are characterized as “preference.” Many of preferential policies have been instituted thus far, such as special treatments for minorities in the admission procedures and campus life of the “Institutes of Nationalities.”
  • 横山 昭市, 田後 孝治
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-183
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田辺 嵐
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 181-182
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 社会主義とナショナリズム
    毛里 和子
    国際政治
    1980年 1980 巻 65 号 61-85,L3
    発行日: 1980/11/05
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    National integration of Socialist China, on those particular fifty five minority nationalities and their lands, has traced the undermentioned process.
    In the first half of the 1950s, Socialist China pursued territorial integration, in other words, “horizontal integration”. In the end of the 1950s, however, she intended to strengthen the national integration implementing the policy that is a political and ideological integration against the minorities, called “vertical integration”. But, during the 1960s and thereafter, China must have faced national crises which jeopardized her safety, inside or from outside. In this situation, there was no way for China but to pursue simultaneously two problems such as ideological or political integration and national security on the problem of nationalities.
    On and after 1978, under the general line of Chinese authority, so called “four modernizations”, China has stepped into the new stage named economic integration.
    In the process, four issues can be pointed out. First, the process doesn't spell a result produced by its developmental changes, but that it was made subordinately of changes of idological lines on Chinese politics, and of frequent replacement of policy decision makers. Secondly, the antagonism among Chinese leaders, that of a line of gradualism and a line of radicalism on the problem of nationalities, isn't necessarily caused by different principles, but by different measures to assimilate the minorities.
    Thirdly, after the latter part of the 1960s, the problem of nationalities in China has been directly linked mainly with national security. Lastly, regarding the political rights and the economic position of the minorities, given an appearance of having been made a backward movement through the stage of these thirty years.
  • 三つの事例
    斎藤 晨二
    人文地理
    1961年 13 巻 6 号 521-541,580
    発行日: 1961/12/30
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    In China there live some 35, 000, 000 (or 35 million) minor race people. They occupy only 60.6% of the total Chinese population. Yet the total area they occupy is 50% of the land, frontier regeons being included.
    In the past these minor races were incessantly oppressed by the Chinese (Hans) that have absolute majority in population and predominating economical power. And there were some minor races in the North-Western area that turned their back to China Proper. The minor races that inhabited the South-Eastern mountain range were separted into small groups, driven into the mountains by the Hans that (historically) toward the South, and led a primitive life isolated from the outer world. One can sea Shin-chang as an example of such region. This area was once a Chinese domain. Howevr, it was independent from China except at the times of strong dynasties.
    At the close of the 19th century when Ching Dynasty grew weaker, they were exposed to Russian influence on the north and British (influence) on the south. And until People's Republic of China was formed, they had been only a nominal domain of China; They independently formed diplomatic and economic connections with Russia, and it was much easier for them to go to Russia than to China Proper. However, there have occurred great changes during recent 10 years. Not only roads but also railways are under construction that connect them with China in many ways. It is somewhat similar to the relation between the Soviet Middle Asia and Russia.
    Roads and railways are being steadily built in the southeastern mountainous region. As various resources deposited here are developed, the policy is taken to make better the living standard of the races living here. China gives letters to the races that have no letters and propagates the songs that praise Peking by means of their traditional folk songs and folk dances. It is somewhat similar to the relation between the Soviet Polar Regins and Russia.
    Besides these, Mohammedans are regarded as one nation. This is because, although they speak Chinese, their manners and customes that their religion produced build up a unique social system. The Chinese esteem such uniqueness and activate their traditional activities, while they made an autonomous region on the northwest and are trying to move the Mohammedans living in big cities to this region in order to develop this underdeveloped region. Isn't this similar to Jews' Autonomous Region in the Soviet Union?
    Now the Chinese do not compulsorily adapt minor races to their way of life, which they used to do in the past. At present they esteem their autonomy. The Chinese need their cooperation in order to make the Chinese domain a strongly unified body, to make the border lines clear that used to be obscure, and to develop the People's Republic of China.
    Gradwally the social orders of People's China will covre the whole domain.
  • 中国雲南省西双版納州における「アカ種族」の国家統合過程
    稲村 務
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1996年 1996 巻 25 号 58-82
    発行日: 1996/06/01
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ethnic Problems has lately attracted considerable attention with the collapse of Soviet Union and explosion of ethnic movement in East Europe. The discussion about ethnic group is held not only in anthropology, but also in political science and history. It is discussed as the problem of ethnicity or nationalism. This controversy needs the process of substantiation of ‘nationality’. In the colonial era, ‘nationality’ was the illusion, which is held by the administrators or missionaries. But it is substantiated with the emergence of nation-state. The purpose of this paper is not to determine the ethnic group by gathering cultural entities, but to show how ethnic group historically derived.
    This paper shows the intercourse of ethnic labeling and ethnic self-definition in the cases of Akha in P. R. C., Thailand and Myanmar. And I attempt to examine why they are labelled and self-defined. Northern Thailand and Myanmar have Akha as a hilltribe, they are called Akha and self-defined as Akha. And P. R. C. has Hani, is known as the ethnic group of the same origin.
    In Northern Thailand, their core of the ethnic identity is to share the Akha Zang (Custom). Before national ethnic identification, Hani was not known in P. R. C., and was created after Chinese Revolution. Thus Hani has various cultural groups. In Chinese Marxist ethnic theory, ‘Minzu’ is a political unit, translated ‘nationality’ in English. The word Minzu was originally coined in Japan. This usage is also highly probelmatic in P. R. C. ‘Minzu’ has the connotation of family, which is used as the ideology of national integration.
    Akha as the ethnic category was created in Tai polity like Sipsongpanna before 19th century. In Sipsongpanna Akha was under the control of the ethnic Tai. Akha as the ethnic category was created in the context of Tai (man)/Kha (slave), and substantiated by their ritual. In the establishment of Sipsongpanna autonomous area in 1953, ‘Akha’ which is that representative Cheluo recognized ‘Akha’ insulted. Thus ‘Akha’ was neglected as the discriminative name under the national autonomous area policy and officially renamed ‘Aini’. Aini is a meaning-less word for them, and is only used in Chinese. After the ethnic identification by government in 1950s, they were integrated into Hani.
    As the result of this process, they call them selves Akha in Akha language, and call themselves Aini in Chinese. In this situation, that we call them Aini is wrong, we should call them Akha or Hani. Thus ethnic group is created in political intercourses.
  • 李 成市, 六反田 豊, 松本 武祝
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 5 号 915-918
    発行日: 1998/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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