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  • 小林 正典
    現代中国
    2000年 2000 巻 74 号 117-133
    発行日: 2000年
    公開日: 2024/11/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国家形成をめぐる民族問題
    松村 嘉久
    人文地理
    1997年 49 巻 4 号 331-352
    発行日: 1997/08/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are two main processes underlying the formation of a nation-state. First is the process of state-building, which has been related to the territorialization of state hegemony. Second is the process of nation-building, which is linked with the creation of a citizenry. In October 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came into power, the influence of the CCP in frontier areas occupied by minority nationalities was quite limited. Such areas formed a kind of buffer zone, where the interests of local ethnic minorities, the former Guomindang government, and various foreign powers all lay in competition. Following the establishment of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region in 1947 the CCP produced a state-building plan known as the Regional Autonomy System for Minority Nationalities (RAS), with the purpose of integrating frontier areas into the territory under the direct power of the CCP. The purpose of this study is to elucidate the development of the Autonomy Policy of the CCP, paying special attention to the formation of Chinese state building in the 1950s.
    In the second section of this study the development and present state of Nationality Autonomous Areas (NAA) is examined from a historical perspective. During the period 1947-1958 four autonomous regions, twenty-eight autonomous prefectures, and fifty-three autonomous counties were established. In the 1960s and 1970s, when the ethnic policy of the CCP had been largely rejected under the influence of the Great Leap Forward and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, only the Tibet autonomous region and ten autonomous counties were established. Afterwards, the number of autonomous counties increased rapidly following enforcement of the Law on Regional Autonomy for Minority Nationalities in 1984. Evidence is brought to light, however, to suggest that several NAAs said to have been established after 1959 were set up in the 1950s. In fact, the structure of the present administrative organization in almost all Chinese minority areas, with the only exceptions of the Tuija and the Man nationalities, were formulated in the 1950s. This is considered to be the decisive period in which the CCP government created a nation-state.
    The third section of this paper explains how, in the first half of the 1950s, Nationality Autonomous Regions (NAR) and Nationality Democratic United Governments (NDUG) were set up as predecessors of NAAs. The CCP dispatched missions to three regions with minority groups which, in the South-West and the Middle-South, resulted in the establishment of a large number of NAR and NDUGs. In the South-West region in particular, eighty-five NARs and 163 NDUGs had been set up by the end of 1951 (with a view to their importance for national defence), although formal enactment was not carried out until August, 1952.
    Administrative reorganization of these districts in the second half of the 1950s is discussed in section four of this paper. The Chinese Constitution of 1954 provided for a new administrative order, with NAR and NDUGs to be replaced by NAAs comprising autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures, and autonomous counties. Three policies for reorganization, announced officially at the end of 1954, clarified the complementarity of these districts with one another and introduced certain reforms. RAS policies after 1958 are also discussed briefly in this section.
    The final section investigates whether or not RAS policies have been applied equally to all the main nationality minorities, using data from the 1990 Census of Minority Nationalities. The political and administrative conditions of minority nationalities are classified into six categories according to the number of autonomous areas for each minority nationality and the percentage share of total population occupied by these groups. The results indicate that minority nationalities are not always treated equally by the CCP.
  • 中国地方性法规下的少数民族权利保护规定之考察
    高橋 孝治
    21世紀東アジア社会学
    2023年 2023 巻 12 号 114-130
    発行日: 2023/03/01
    公開日: 2023/03/03
    ジャーナル フリー

    在中国,表面上吹捧民族平等,但在立法层面却存在很大漏洞。在中国,少数民族保护和民族平等的法律依据不仅是《民族自治区法》,还有《宪法》和《刑事诉讼法》的一些规定,其中规定少数民族语言可以使用。那么,没有关于少数民族权利保护的法律规定是不正确的。在中国,每个省在地方性法规层面都有少数民族权利保护的规定。不过,只要是地方性法规,并不是所有部委都有相同的规定,可以说各个地区都有差异。因此,本稿将找出各地区少数民族权利保护规定的温差,考察这个构造。

  • 現代中国における国民統合という視点から
    王 柯
    アジア研究
    2001年 47 巻 4 号 39-62
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2014/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 雲南省を事例として
    松村 嘉久
    人文地理
    1993年 45 巻 5 号 491-514
    発行日: 1993/10/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Most modern nation states have been formed through their central governments' delimitation of national boundaries in frontier areas, which were often inhabited by ethnic minority groups. To relax possible ethnic tensions, the central governments have presented ethnic policies. Because the minority policy in a nation is one of the most important factors affecting the process of national integration, it is crucial to explore the development of the policy in detail.
    The ethnic minority people in China account for only 6.7% of the country's whole population However, since the area of their resident districts accounts for more than fifty percent of the nation, and are located at strategically important points, national integration of ethnic minorities has been an essential problem for the Chinese government. Whereas it is said that the government accomplished political equality, it admits the existence of ‘inequality as a matter of fact’: inter-ethnic differentials in both economic and cultural terms. To ameliorate this problem, the government has attempted to implement policies of economic development and ethnic education in the minority districts. To date, their specific circumstances have been rather unclear, however. In particular, with regard to Yunnan Province, Japanese scholars, including geographers, have thus far paid attention to cultural aspects almost exclusively. The purpose of this paper, keeping Yunnan's historical and geographical factors in mind, is to elucidate the development of ethnic minority policy by the Chinese goverment in the province.
    In the second section, the current situation of the minority ethnic groups is discussed briefly. The twenty-four groups with more than ten million people account for 31.7% of the province's whole population, and these compose eight autonomous prefectures and twenty-nine autonomous counties. Furthermore, the twenty-four groups can be divided into sub-groups. These imply the variety and complexty of the province's ethnic composition. Generally, the percentage of minority population is higher in the frontier districts than in the central districts of Yunnan, and particular minorities tend to concentrate partly according to altitude.
    The third section is devoted to an explanation of ethnic policy during the period between 1949 and 1958, when an essential aim of the Chinese government's policy was to integrate minority groups into the new system of the communist nation. Even at the time immediately after the foundation of the nation, the central Yunnan districts were under long-standing control of the Han Chinese in terms of socio-economic activities, suggesting a relatively easy integration of them by the Chinese Communist Party. However, the influence of the party in the frontier districts was negligible, because the districts formed a buffer zone, where the powers of Britain, France, the Kuomintang Government and native nationalist headmen were complicated. The Yunnan government sent there a minority maneuvering party in order to establish a better relationship with the minorities, support their lives and investigate their circumstances. In particular, integration policy in terms of economy and distribution was taken seriously at the beginning of this period. With regard to political matters, autonomous districts were established through the assumption of minority leaders to important posts in the Chinese Communist Party, and, as a result, a great part of the frontier districts came under the rule of the party. Minority groups were divided into four different types from the historical stage standpoint of social development. The Yunnan Government presented four land reform methods, correspondent to this minority grouping. Although the land reform based on this method and establishment of collective farms began in 1955, they have made less progress in the frontier districts than in the central parts of the province.
  • 上野 稔弘
    現代中国
    2002年 2002 巻 76 号 169-177
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2024/11/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 王 柯
    現代中国
    1995年 1995 巻 69 号 167-177
    発行日: 1995年
    公開日: 2024/11/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉田 豊子
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 10 号 1621-1645,1731-
    発行日: 2002/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    It has been maintained that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continued to adopt a policy of granting "national-territorial autonomy" to the nationalists in the Inner Mongolia and that the establishment of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government was a landmark of this policy. This essay aims at shedding light on this problem by analyzing the changes of the CCP's Mongolia policy in terms of changing domestic and international circumstances, especially its relationship to the kuomintang (KMT). Immediately after World War II, the nationalist movement began to gather momentum in the East Mongolia, West Mongolia and Kholon Buir, resulting in the establishment of a government in each area, supported by the Soviet-Outer Mongolia army. These governments claimed to be annexed to Outer Mongolia; however, that claim was rejected. The nationalists in East Mongolia, the strongest group in power in the three areas, established a government that was meant to be a "autonomous to a high degree" and attempted to negotiate with the CCP and KMT to attain that purpose. Opposing this, the CCP organized the Federation of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Movement in west Mongolia where it wielded strong influence. The CCP's policy at that juncture was first to establish a self government at the aimag (盟) -banner (旗) -level under the provincial governments and then establish an autonomous government at a higher level in order to unite the entire area of Inner Mongolia. After the Political Consultative Conference, however, the CCP changed its policy towards the Mongolia in line with the purport of the Resolution of the Conference, by which the CCP made concessions to the KMT in terms of local self-government under provincial governments. This change in policy put the CCP in an advantageous political position against the KMT, but it worked to its disadvantage in terms of its East Mongolia policy. Subsequently, the CCP succeeded in reorganizing East Mongolia, which was being hard pressed by the withdrawal of the Soviet-Outer Mongolia army and deployment of the KMT army, into the 'legitimate' Khinggan Provincial Government through the Chengde Conference. The CCP was, however, caught in a dilemma, being faced with dissatisfaction among the Mongolian people over its policy and the strained military circumstances. It is rather ironical that the CCP was freed from this by the KMT's revocation of the Resolution of the Political Consultative Conference in its National Assembly,which caused dismay among the Mongolian people. On this, the CCP agreed to give a"high degree autonomy" to East Mongolia, purposing to mobilize the East Mongolian people against the KMT. The Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government was thus established, meaning that this government would not lead directly to"national-territorial autonomy".
  • *鄭 国全
    日本地理学会発表要旨集
    2003年 2003f 巻
    発行日: 2003年
    公開日: 2004/04/01
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    _I_ 問題の所在中国内モンゴル地域は,清国時代から激しい「蒙地開墾」によって農地化にされてきた.その結果,漢民族の農民が多く移住し,それにともなって,農耕地域が南部から北部へ拡大しっていた.一方、牧畜を営んできたモンゴル民族は,牧畜を営む条件を失ったために,より乾燥した北部のステップ地帯に移住した。また,移住しなかったモンゴル民族は伝統的な遊牧をやめ,農業に転じた.他方,移民してきた漢民族は,一部がモンゴル民族の去った牧地で独自の漢民族社会を形成すると同時に,他の部分が直接モンゴル民族居住地域に移住し,モンゴル民族社会にとけ込み,モンゴル民族の漢化を推し進めた.この結果,内モンゴル地域では,農耕村落が相次いで誕生し,伝統的な遊牧社会と異なる農耕社会が形成された.従来の牧畜地域は農耕地域の北進によって,農耕地域および「半農半牧」地域に変化してきた.こうして,内モンゴルは,モンゴル民族と漢民族などの多民族雑居地域となってきた.中華人民共和国の成立後,「中華人民共和国
    民族区域自治
    法」の施行,「改革開放政策」の実施などによって,内モンゴル自治区におけるモンゴル民族と漢民族の共存形態は,大きく変化してきた.本研究は,このような問題意識にたって,内モンゴル巴林右旗を事例に,同地域の蒙地開墾の歴史と移民社会の形成を解明したうえで,牧畜地域とする巴林右旗におけるモンゴル民族と漢民族の共存形態を,民族教育,民族間の往来および通婚、民族のアイデンティティーなどを中心にフィールドワークの成果を通して解明しようとするものである. 巴林右旗は,内モンゴル自治区赤峰市にあり,面積10,256㎢,人口17.5万(2002年),そのうちモンゴル民族が総人口の43%を占めており,4農業郷鎮と15牧畜業蘇木鎮を管轄している.経済的に見れば,巴林右旗は牧畜業を中心とする「半農半牧」地域である._II_ 結果1)モンゴル民族と漢民族の共存社会の形成 巴林右旗は,清国末期に実施した「移民実辺政策」および民国時期の開拓政策によって,多くの漢民族農民が移住し,従来の遊牧地域から「半農半牧」地域に転じ,モンゴル民族と漢民族の共存社会が形成された.2)モンゴル民族と漢民族の分布巴林右旗においては,モンゴルと漢民族は雑居しているが,モンゴル民族は牧畜地域とする蘇木鎮に集中しており,漢民族は農業地域とする郷鎮に居住している.モンゴル民族の大部分は牧畜業を生業とするのに対して,漢民族は農業および商業に従事している.3)民族言語と民族教育 モンゴル民族学生の多数は,モンゴル語で行う民族教育を受けている.民族学校では,モンゴル語,漢語,外国語という「三語併開」の教育を行っている.また,モンゴル語を学習しているモンゴル学生が減少する傾向が見られる.モンゴル語はモンゴル民族の単なるシンボルになりつつある.なお,モンゴル語を学習する漢民族はほとんど皆無に近い.4)民族間の交友関係および民族間の通婚 移民である漢民族は,新居住地に生活するために,モンゴル民族との交友が開放的である.これに対して,先住民のモンゴル民族は,漢民族移民の増加によって,人口の割合が低くなりつつあり,アイデンティティーを維持するために,漢民族との交友が内向的である.民族間の通婚については,モンゴル民族の場合は,若いモンゴル民族と漢民族との通婚率が高く,モンゴル民族幹部と漢民族の通婚率が低い.牧畜地域における漢民族の場合は,「計画生育」や教育などの民族の優遇政策などによって豊かなモンゴル民族との通婚を望んでいるとみられる.また,モンゴル民族と漢民族は,政治,経済,文化,言語および宗教などの多方面から見れば,差異が次第に無くなっている.これは,モンゴル民族と漢民族の通婚率が高まる重要な要因である.同時に,民族間の通婚は民族理解,民族交流,民族団結を促した.5)民族のアイデンティティー 巴林右旗においては,モンゴル民族が集中している地域がみられ,モンゴル民族のアイデンティティーが強いといえ,モンゴル民族の言語,風習,行事などを維持している.一方,漢民族は人口の多数を占めているが,民族のアイデンティティーを維持しながら,モンゴル民族の生活習慣も吸収している. 以上のように,牧畜地域においては,モンゴル民族と漢民族の差異が小さくなっており,民族の共存が進んでいる.
  • ―中国・内モンゴル自治区の事例から―
    ア ラタ
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2009年 2009 巻 D-2
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2009/05/28
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
     本報告では、民族言語を教授言語とし、共通言語の漢語を教科として学習するタイプを選択している内モンゴル自治区におけるバイリンガル教育を切口として、中国内モンゴル自治区の事例を内モンゴル自治区のモンゴル族の視点から、モンゴル族の民族らしさをどう維持してきたかについて考察を加えることを目的とする。それによって、中国の少数民族地域における民族教育のあり方の一端を提示することを試みる。
  • ―その構成と内容に関する考察
    美麗 和子
    21世紀東アジア社会学
    2023年 2023 巻 12 号 94-113
    発行日: 2023/03/01
    公開日: 2023/03/03
    ジャーナル フリー

    新中国成立初期,从1950年到1952年,中国共产党向全国少数民族地区派出了“中央民族访问团”。访问团的主要任务是宣传民族政策、慰问和提供救援物资,同时研究者和民族干部进行了对当地少数民族的社会和历史调查。本文关注云南地区的调查报告,分析了当时的中国共产党试图了解什么,以及他们如何将少数民族在 “革命思想”中定位。调查报告具体内容主要包括四个领域:民族分布与民族关系、政治、经济、宗教。除这四个领域外,还有习俗、教育、卫生以及当地人民的要求等,但是都分量不大。从对这些内容的分析可以看到,中共的调查内容反映了马克思主义的社会发展阶段的理论,将少数民族内部以及民族间关系的问题归纳为本质上是“封建势力”与“被统治者”的关系,“阶级剥削”的问题。

  • 韓 載香
    歴史と経済
    2014年 57 巻 1 号 69-72
    発行日: 2014/10/30
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ボルジギン リンチン
    アジア経済
    2007年 48 巻 8 号 2-23
    発行日: 2007/08/15
    公開日: 2022/12/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤島 範孝
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松本 繁樹
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 井口 正男
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木庭 元晴
    地理科学
    1990年 45 巻 3 号 182-
    発行日: 1990/07/28
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小川 佳万
    比較教育学研究
    1994年 1994 巻 20 号 93-104,215
    発行日: 1994/07/01
    公開日: 2011/01/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper deals with Chinese higher education policies for minorities focusing on the mechanisms of “preference” and “control.” The findings are as follows: First, the Chinese government established “Institutes of Nationalities”(Minzu Xueyuan) for the training of minorities' cadres. These “Institutes of Nationalities” originated with “Liberation Area-Type Colleges”, which put an emphasis on political-ideological education.
    Second, Chinese higher education policies for minorities are characterized as “preference.” Many of preferential policies have been instituted thus far, such as special treatments for minorities in the admission procedures and campus life of the “Institutes of Nationalities.”
  • ―モンゴル族の地域・階層間比較を中心に―
    アラタン バートル
    地域社会学会年報
    2009年 21 巻 101-114
    発行日: 2009/05/09
    公開日: 2021/05/07
    ジャーナル フリー

     Since the 1990s, languages, cultures and educations of ethnic minorities have been changing rapidly in China with the development of market economy. In this paper, I try to clarify a part of the transfiuration of the society in the minority region investigating some cases of the ethnic Mongols in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, especially on the point of language and education.

     In Inner Mongolia, most of the Mongolian have been living in rural areas. However, the Mongolian moving to city area has been increasing with the development of market economic. Academic background has become to be considered as the important cultural capital, and the school enrollment ratio of the Mongolian has improved. Moreover, the Chinese language usage has risen in the ordinary life of the Mongolian, as well as in the market. On the other hand, the practicality of Mongolian language has diminished, and the number of students studied with Mongolian language has been decreasing sharply in Mongolian.

     This paper uses the data of interview investigation that executed in Khorchin District, Tongliao City, Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, to approach the problem from the viewpoint of qualitative grasp on the life realities and the educational strategies. The results of this analysis are as follows. (1) The educational strategies of ethnic Mongols various very much in the Area and Stratification.(2)The increase of the ratio of Chinese language education in ethnic Mongols resulted from the expansion of economic disparity which has come from the difference among areas (urban and rural), and occupational stratifications, rather than language selection.(3) The education disparity are growing not only between the Chinese languages’ schools and the Mongolian languages’ schools, but also among each languages’ schools.(4) Unlike literary, oral Mongolian language has inherited in Some Mongolian families across the Areas and Stratifications.

  • 熊倉 潤
    アジア研究
    2023年 69 巻 3 号 130-134
    発行日: 2023/07/31
    公開日: 2023/08/19
    ジャーナル フリー
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