City blocks composed of Shophouses in the central district of Phnom Penh, which is referred to as the “Shophouse blocks”, is facing a risk of losing the built environment due to rapid urbanization recent years. It is important to grasp spatial urban structure to properly identify characteristics of shophouse blocks and its functions to sustain characteristics of individual space and development of the entire city whereas the most of previous studies on the Shophouses focused on the spatial structure and usage of the Shophouse itself without identifying its role in the entire city.

 

 This study aims to clarify the functions of “Shophouse blocks” in Phnom Penh by analyzing inhabitants’ transportation activity obtained from person trip survey and activity diary survey. The former is used to grasp the entire spatial urban structure and the latter focuses on the detailed inhabitants’ living activities in Shophouse blocks. The results are summarized below:

 

 1) Influential areas of job core (major employment area) and consumption core (major area for private activities) are formulated separately in the central district and suburbs. Influential sphere of job cores are formulated along ring road by consolidating different types of job cores such as office and factory which results in the mosaic structure without centrality;

 2) Function of Shophouse blocks is characterized by its vertical and horizontal position, [A] outer edge of blocks/ ground floor, [B] inside block/ ground floor and [C] upper floors. Living sphere of residents in the quadrant [A] is quite small compared to the ones in [B] and [C]. The quadrant [A] provides work-place near or in the residence whereas [B] and [C] provides labor force to neighboring area; and

 3) Shophouse blocks integrate multiple urban functions – living space, workforce, consumption – transitively in each quadrant which composes high density dwelling in the urban center.

 

 Refining spatial usage of the blocks and intensive land utilization will enhance living characteristics observed in quadrant [B] and [C] and will bring more transport demand which run out of the road capacity around Shophouse bocks.

 

 It will be one of the measures to sustain characteristics of Shophouse blocks in parallel with the development of the entire city by balancing function distribution in each quadrant in line with the times. It is also important to induce development pressure to more appropriate places with larger block surrounded by wider road.

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This paper sets out to investigate the transfer of the royal palace's location in the post-Angkor period, and will at the same time consider the change of character of the Longvêk—Oudong dynasty.
Since the French Protectorate era, a considerable number of studies have been made on Angkor period. However, little attention has been given to the post-Angkor period. Reasons were that it was deemed a “Dark-Age” and an iota of historical materials. As such, we attempted a research on the Longvêk—Oudong region, about 30km north of Phnom-Penh. We had examined some aerial photographs, measured the royal palace's sites, made maps, picked up fragments of pottery, and lastly compiled information relating to the beginnings of villages and temples.
There was a saying that in the post-Angkor period, the capial of Cambodia was transferred from Angkor to Basan (Kampong-Cham Province)—Phnom-Penh—Lonvêk (Kampong-Chhnang Province)—Oudong (Kampong-Spu Province). The first capital, Basan, occupied a key point on the Mekong River. The third and the fourth, Lonvêk and Oudong, were in close proximity. They held a strategic point on the west bank of the Tonle-Sap River. The second and the present capital, Phnom-Pemh is situated on the confluence of the Mekong River and the Tonle-Sap River. Based on the royal chronicle of Cambodia and some foreign sources, we knew that Basan and Longvêk-Oudong were rivals.
The following resulted from our research:
1) From the central temple in the Fortress of Lonvêk to the Sacred Mountain of Oudong, we found the ruins of shrines belonging to the Angkor period.
2) There is a square site surrounded by walls which we had determined to be Lonvêk, the capital in the 16th century.
3) We found that the royal palace of Oudong in the 17th century was on the first height next to the west bank of the Tonle-Sap River.
4) There are two remains known as Veang-Chas (old palace) and Khleang-Pram (five storehouses). The former was the second royal palace of king Ang-Duong and the latter was also his first palace, situated 4km west to the royal palace in the 17th century.
Therefore, we concluded that:
A) The capital Longvêk—Oudong kept close relations with Pursat, south of the Tonle-Sap Lake.
B) The transfer from Longvêk to Oudong during the 17th century came from the development of Ponhea-Lu as a river port in the “Age of Commerce”.
C) However, with the end of the “Age of Commerce” and the control of Saigon by the Vietnamese, this situation was changed. King Ang-Duong tried to build a new network which could connect Pursat and Kampot via Oudong. In doing so, he built his palace 4km inland.
D) Under the French Protectorate, Phnom-Penh became the capital of Cambodia and the network which centered on Phnom-Penh and the Mekong River was completed for the first time.

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東南アジアにおける立憲君主制国家のカンボジア王国（Kingdom of Cambodia：以下，カンボジア）は，インドシナ半島の中央に位置し，西部にタイ，東部にベトナム，北部にラオスと国境を接し，南部は南シナ海に接している。 　現在，カンボジアにおける主要産業は農業や漁業，林業の第一次産業が中心であるが，近年の観光業や縫製業等による発展で，過去10 年間の実質国内総生産（GDP：Gross Domestic Product）（注1） 成長率が平均 7.9％の高い経済成長を続けている。近年では，チャイナ・プラスワン（注2 ）のリスク分散国の 1 つの国として注目を浴びており，外国からの直接投資も大きな伸びを示している。 　特に，中国・韓国系企業が社会インフラ・不動産関連を中心に積極的な投資を行っている。例えば，首都市内でのカンボジア首相府のビル（中国）や42 階建ての高層ビル（韓国），郊外での20 億米ドル規模の新興都市（韓国）の建設，カンボジア南部のタイランド湾に面した港湾都市シハヌークビルのインフラ整備（中国）等に多額の投資を行っている。 　一方，カンボジア国内の産業政策においては，経済特別区（SEZ：Special Economic Zone）や工業団地（IZ：Industrial Zone）等の産業集積地を中心とした地域産業を開発することで，積極的な外資誘致政策を展開している。 　本稿では，筆者の現地調査（　注3 ）に基づき，産業集積地の開発，および同地への日系企業の進出が数多くみられる経済特区（PPSEZ：Phnom Penh Special Economic Zone）の事例を中心に，カンボジアにおける産業クラスター（　注4 ） の可能性についての考察を行うこととする。

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Sampling of ambient particulate matters were conducted along with the measurement of NO₂ at three different sites in Phnom Penh including the central part of downtown, residential and river side areas. Day and night samplings of total suspended particulates (TSP) were conducted in the central downtown. Concentrations of TSP and NO₂ as well as chemical composition of particulates, i.e. polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) and heavy metals, were measured in order to discuss the contributions of emission sources.
TSP concentration in the central downtown area was 100-250μg/m³, which was higher in daytime than nighttime, being similar to the concentration change of elements from soil such as Al, Ca and Fe. This suggests that TSP is mostly road dust or soil re-suspended by wind. On the other hand, both concentrations of PAHs with four or more aromatic rings and their mass fractions in particles were found to be higher during the night. This may be attributed to the emissions from diesel and other small generators for supplemental electricity, from kerosene uses for lighting and from biomass fuel for cooking, etc. The Mekong and Tonle Sap rivers may influence the ambient air transport and pollutant dispersion in Phnom Penh. The concentration of PAHs in Phnom Penh was approximately forty times higher than Kanazawa, Japan, and six times higher than Bangkok, Thailand.

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2011年8月～10月に大規模洪水が発生したカンボジアのメコン川下流平野を対象とし，首都を中心とした地域で洪水と微地形に関する調査を行った．衛星画像を用いて浸水範囲を把握し，水文データ等を入手するとともに，2012年3月の現地調査では洪水痕跡より浸水深を測定した．その結果，微地形と浸水範囲・浸水深の対応が良好に見られた．洪水はメコン川の氾濫原を利用して流下するとともに，トンレサップ川沿いでは深く湛水し，通常の雨季には浸水することのない高位沖積面にまで洪水が達した．これは近年最大規模といわれた2000年洪水に匹敵する規模であった．また，浸水域に比較すると相対的な被害は大きくなかった．カンボジアのメコン川はほとんど築堤が行われておらず，伝統的な地域に住む人々は毎年の洪水を経験しながらも，その環境に適応し，洪水リスクを最小限にするような土地利用や生活様式を続けている．

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  The process of imposing a new structure, or more specifically, the rationalization of traditional arts, is associated with fundamental shifts in knowledge and skill development, which cannot always be harmonized with historical practices. This paper focuses on Cambodian Court Dance (robam preah reaj trop) to illuminate the aforementioned dynamics as they unfolded during a 2-year interlude between 1927 and 1929. During this period, the Royal Palace-based residential learning community for court dance was brought under the aegis of the French colonial École des arts Cambodgiens. At the time, dancers and instructors were abruptly moved into a school-based system with an ensuing curriculum and instructional changes. The paper also examines how the “rationalization” of performing arts education maintained the technical educational elements, such as dance techniques and postures, but undercut the socialization that facilitated apprenticeship education (geidoteki totei kyouiku), which had, for centuries, been a key feature of the community and self-identity of the palace dancers. The study contemplated the underestimation of the importance of apprenticeship within a residential dance community as a learning experience that could inform future reorganizations of Cambodian traditional dance, with apprenticeship perpetuating its functions as a critical feature of dance education in Cambodia.

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The aim of this study is to clarify the space transformation of houses with raised floor in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. We conclude the result as below from the date mostly based on the field survey. Previously one family lived in one house, but now several families live in one house by making additional new space and dividing large previous house space. They can access to their houses by using vacant land space for passage or arranging stairs on several positions or sharing corridor and veranda with each other. They satisfy the needs by sharing living space and access.

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Since the end of the 1990s, Cambodia has become politically stable and achieved an unprecedented level of economic performance under the authoritarian rule by the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). It came into power after overthrowing the Khmer Rouge regime led by Pol Pot in 1979. With a focus on the Leninist-type party control over the state and the society which was inherited from the 1980s, this study examines how the CPP maintains a firm grip on power and pursues economic development. More specifically, based on the party documents and fieldwork conducted in Cambodia, this study analyzes the structure and organizational principles of the CPP, the relationship between the party and the state, and the CPP’s membership recruitment. This study consists of three sections. In the first section, after reviewing the political process in the country in the 1990s, it shows that the constitutional amendment in 2006 and the CPP’s landslide victory in the 2008 National Assembly elections determine the establishment of the one-party dominant regime by the end of the 2000s. The second section reveals that the CPP has preserved the composition of the party leadership and the organizational principles, that is, democratic centralism since the 1980s when Marxism-Leninism was the official ideology of the party; and has penetrated into the state and the society by co-opting leaders from all state institutions and generating a vast increase in party membership. In the third section, upon analyzing how the substantive fusion of the party and the state affects economic development, it argues that the CPP drives private-sector-oriented development while co-opting talented economic technocrats and dominant business elites into the party or the government. From the above discussions, this study concludes that the CPP’s penetration into the state and the society is a crucial analytical perspective for understanding politics and society in contemporary Cambodia.

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This paper considers the various kinds of activity used to promote the development of Chinese language education in Cambodia. After first surveying the situation, focussing mainly on the rebuilding of Chinese immigrant education in Phnom Penh and the surrounding district, this report aims to consider the problem at various levels caused by other developments in Chinese language education, and the development of the Chinese language education in Cambodia where there is the largest Chinese immigrant school in Southeast Asia. The prosperity of this Chinese immigrant school with the development of Chinese language education is greatly influenced by the national political system, parts which are influenced by relations with China and the sensitive issues concerning anti-Chinese immigrant policy. Therefore, the writer thinks that the status of Cambodian Chinese language education is an important indicator of the current state of the mutual relations between the Chinese immigrant community of Cambodia and the Cambodian government.

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