In the agriculture of Japan, cooperative work for the purpose of production is lately spreading over the whole country. In Aichi Pref., the group cultivation of waterfield rice plants was performed, and so it became the object of public attention. We are now in a period of transition from private management to joint cooperative.
This practice sets up a district with a farming settlement as the central figure. Rice of only one kind is used and the first grains of rice are set aside. A schedule of the cooperative water (for irrigation) control, extermination of noxious insects and fertilizer is also kept. Among them, we can see some groups which are formed of ten farming houses or so and are kept at cooperative work by mechanized farming up to harvest time.
This practice was first introduced into the area where damage is more or less always follows typhoon and sea-water, and where the area is of low productive capacity. Nowadays there is greater possibility for extension towards the practice area, where irrigation facilities from river and reservoir (pond) are provided; however, the author does not see much chance of it towards an area in the mountains where imperfect irrigation facilities are found.
Group cultivation of aquatic rice differs in degree according to the difference of agricultural management in a village community; in a village where hothouse management is incorporated in the new practice, and the cultivation of rice plant is subordinated to it, the cooperation has a tendency to be limited with in confines which do not restrict the main field to the management. It has little influence on the other field, with the exception of rice plants, and only gives an opportunity for partial cooperation. There is ample hope for the most favorable growth of cooperation in a farming settlement where many commuters who have modern sense live in farmhouses within easy reach of the city, and have an income of ready money. In these farming settlements, people are concerned about the elevation of labor productivity by establishing a system of wages, as compared with the increase of harvesting and the economy of the price for fartilizer. In a farming village of a rice field area, where they have little influence from the city, on the other hand, there is a fair possivility that people may continue such cooperation within the limit of traditional practice, when there is no need to alter institutions as a requisite condition for production by exchange of land and mechanization.
In any case, farmers are interested in the advantages claimed for this group cultivation, though there are many problems awaiting solution at different stages in each districts. Accordingly, there is still more a possibility for exteusion of this practice, towards the area where irrigation is provided.

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The author took the case of the piedmont of Mt. Shodai in Kumamoto Prefecture, and inquired into the formation of the orange growing area, taking lead in the special orchardist who found their way over the villages. Special orange orchardists (61 families) in the piedmont of Mt. Kinbo and in the south of Fukuoka Prefecture have made their way into the one of Mt. Shodai, and they are engaging in orange growing in the orchards 30-35km. or 20-45km. away from their own villages by their cars. These clearing lands for orchards in 1962 were promoted by the two groups, which formed the core of rapid convertion from forests into clear orange orchards, and these orchards have over one ha. in area a family.
Of all the area of orange orchard in Arao City in 1963, 74ha. (45%) is the ones by the farmers over the other villages, though every of the orchardists runs 0.5-3ha. wide orange orchard in their own villages.
Out of the various factors which stimulated and promoted orange growing over the villages, there are as following:
(1) The land is limited in area and its price is high. (2) There are capital money and skilled techniques. (3) Suitable land for orange growing can be obtained easily and at a low cost in the other villages.
The land under these good conditions the farmers are eager to obtain and have their aggressibly enterprising spirits of building modern orange orchards.
Clearing land for orchard by the farmer over the villages gives a great impetus to the local farmers. And long established pear orchards have been converting into orange orchards by replanted. The farmers chiefly cultivating rice and barley, came to begin orange growing as an object of the convertion of dry field farming.
This district, however, is on the suburb of Omuta Industrial City, and consists of many part-time farmers work in their small farm field (average 55a.). And so, the introduction of orange farming is limited.
To the farmers over the other villages, the local farmers were handicaped by the scattering of orchards owing to the convertion of dry field farming, capital money, and technique.
As the problem in the future, the connection between special farmers and local farmers growing orange as a side job would be an indispensable condition to foster and promote the producing district of orange growing. On this occasion, the discrepancy of farmers' senses and the differance of managements would be left as a problem in the future in systematization such as marketing-organization.

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明治以降におけるミカン生産の長期的変動要因を大きく二つに分け, 一つは栽培面積の変動と, 他方では反収の長期的変動とした.
栽培面積の拡大を説明するために, 農家が経済的行動をする主体であることと, 予想価格に対する面積の反応という供給関係を仮定した. 予想価格と実現価格の間の関係として, 長期 (ある期間内) にわたる一定の弾性係数を考えている. そして農家が価格予想をして面積拡大を試みる過程について, ミカン生産の特殊性と開園時の技術的制約, その結果生ずる一定の時間的ズレを想定している.
このようにして統計的に推計したパラメータの値は第2表に示した. 第二次大戦前のミカンの現実価格が停滞ないし下落傾向を見せる時期 (1933～41年) では相対的価格に対する反応係数は相対的に小さくなり, その期間の他の (時間の経過とともに変動する) 説明要因の反応係数が相対的に大きくなる. この時期には他作物からの転換が顕著にあらわれる.
次に農家の行動をより現実的に説明するため, 家族労動力にくらべ, 相対的に限定された耕地条件を考慮に入れ, 農家の経済行動の指標として反当生産価額をとり, 反応係数を計測した. 相対価格をとった模型にくらべ, 反当生産価額に対する反応係数は戦前では小さくなったが, 戦後では大きくなった. 戦後の時期においては, 相対価格をとった模型よりも, 反当生産額をとった模型のほうが, トレンドの反応係数の持つ相対的な重さが減少する.
供給関係式のパラメータを推定するために媒介となった予想価格の弾性値については (現実価格の下落期をのぞいて), 戦前と戦後を比較すると, いずれの模型でも戦前のほうが大きい. これは今期の予想価格形成の要因としては, 戦前においては前期の実現価格が持つ重みのほうが, 前期の予想価格の持つそれより大きかったが, 戦後においては前期の予想価格の重みが相対的に大きかったことを示している.

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1. Ôcho Village, located on Osaki-shimo Island in the inland sea of Setouchi, is known as a village most specialized in citrus culture in Japan. The ratio of orchards to the total arable land was 97% in 1929. During the war, 20% of the fruit trees were cut down. And by 1950, the ratio had again increased up to 90%. Before the springing up of citrus culture in the village, villagers were growing peaches. In 1859, UNSHU tangerine was introduced to the village. Early-crop (Wase) UNSHU tangerine was introduced in 1903, which at present. occupies 55% of the total amount of citrus crop in Ôchô. This is of the highest as the rate of early-crop UNSHU in Japan.
2. The area of Ôchô Village covers a sloping land of 10 to 40 degrees. Thecitrus trees are planted in terraced fields, 70% of which have stone-steps and. 30% soil-steps. To carry the fruits down the steep slope, a simple cableway was set up in 1921. Today, there are 46 cablecars, in the village, by which 30% of the total crop of tangerines are carried down the slope. The entire cable system is operated by electricity and under the management of the cooperative of the villagers. There is no comparable example to this scheme in Japan.
3. Canned tangerine was first made here in Japan in 1927. The markets for Ôchô tangerines are Kôbe-Osaka area (40%), Tôkyo (30%), and others. Marketing of the early-crop UNSHU is made in October, 35%; November, 50%; December, 15%. The ordinary UNSHU is shipped in November, 10% December, 30%; January, 15%; February 20% ; March, 20%; April, 5%.
4. One of the characteristics of citrus culture in Ôchô is the “watarisaku” (farming over the water). Out of 700 cho (1 cho _??_ 1 ha.) of citrus orchard belonging to the villagers, 300 ch5 is located within the village and 400 cho is scatteringly distributed in 30 other villages, namely in many other neighbouring islands. They maintain their “farming over the water” by 200 nonpowered boats and 350 powered boats. The followings are considered to be the factors in bringing up an unusual manner of farming as this.
(1) Limited area of land and increasing population. (2) The sea is calm even in winter, so ferrying by small boats to the orchards in other islands is made without danger. (3) The village of Ôchô embraces a good natural harbour, which enables several hundred boats to be at anchor at one time. And as the harbour faces to the east, it is shielded from the north-west winter monsoon. (4) As the land is limited in area, its price is high. If one sells 1 tan (1/10 cho) of upland fields in Ôchô, he will be able to purchase 5 tan of uplandfields or even more of forest in Ehime Prefecture. (5) There are customs of establishing “branch families” and of “inheritance by the youngest child” in Ôchô. The eldest son and the younger ones, got mnarried, buy orchards outside the village, and settle there. The younger children stay in their native house and engage in fruit-growing, instead of becoming fantory workers as is usually the case in other farm areas. (9) They traditionally have skilled techniques in fruit-growing. The general standard of techniques has been high. The villagers are industrious and have no political disputes. The present village master is the third one since 1889. (7) The successive, village masters encouraged the farming over the water. The Hiroshima Agriculture and Industry Bank had actively assisted the farmers in purchasing farmland, loaning to them over one million yen since the end of the Meiji, era. Due to the recent inflation, all the loan has been returned, and thevillage is prosperous. (8) Citrus growing has the highest possibility of cash income. Industrial processing of the products is developing, and the enterprise, is economically stable.

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　　　The purpose of this paper is to examine the direction of farm managerial systems on State-owned Farm after political revolution in China, taking SINHUA FARM in Heilongjiang Province as an example, in addition to imply the good way of farm management towards the future.
　　　Since 1983, family typed farm has become the predominant position on agricultural production in state-owned farm. The main concerns in this paper is to analyze how individual farm managements and collective farm managements are combined on the state-owned farm.
　　　Through this analysis, it will be suggested that the rational combination between two type of managements must vastly contribute to improvement of agricultural productivity.

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