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  • 鹿又 親
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1938年 33 巻 4 号 388-396
    発行日: 1938/04/15
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―プロボクシング「東洋チャンピオン・カーニバル」を中心に―
    乗松 優
    スポーツ社会学研究
    2010年 18 巻 1 号 83-94
    発行日: 2010/03/20
    公開日: 2016/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー

     中国が日本と米国との間の関係改善をするきっかけとした卓球世界選手権(1971年)から溯ること14年前、フィリピンと日本の間でもスポーツを中心とした交流が、外交の切り札として重視されたことがある。この文化を通した信頼回復とでも呼べる例は、ガルシア大統領と岸信介首相の間で「国際間の協力の基礎」と位置づけられるほど、大きな注目を集めた。
     1960年代初めまで日本は外貨不足に悩まされており、政府は莫大な外貨資金を必要とする国際競技大会に否定的だった。この方針を転換したのが、1957年に首相の座に就いた岸だった。彼は同年、東京で東洋選手権の国別対抗戦として開催された「東洋チャンピオン・カーニバル」に外務省後援を与えるだけでなく、自ら関係者を接待して政府の積極的姿勢を示した。吉田茂が結んだ不均衡な対日安全保障条約の再考をアメリカに迫り、東南アジアへ経済の足がかりをつけようとする岸政権にとって、この時期にアジア諸国間で行われた国際戦は外交戦略上、無視できない存在だった。
     一方で、外貨割当の優先順位において分の悪いプロスポーツは、強力な後ろ盾がなければ国際大会の開催が危ぶまれた。そのため、真鍋八千代はカーニバルが果たしうる「友好」や「親善」を言葉巧みに売り込んだ。この真鍋は後年、球史にその名を刻む天覧試合(1959年)を正力松太郎と共に運営するほど、財界の実力者だった。
     東洋選手権が担った政治的役割は、国際競技を日本とアジアの友好関係として演出することにあった。その理由は、戦禍を被った国々では通商再開を急ぐ日本に不信感が生まれており、政府は国益を追い求める他に、国際親善という大義名分を果たさねばならなかったからである。

  • 古川 隆久
    史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 4 号 457-494,605-60
    発行日: 1990/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    From 1935 to 1945 reformist bureaucrats in Japan occupied virtually the center of policy making along with a group of politically and economically concerned military officers. These bureaucrats were not only able to exert influence in the complete bottom-up process of policy formation, but also, despite little formal powers, were also able to effect decision making to a far greater extent than in the era of the political party cabinets. These reformist bureaucrats belonged to a group of government officials who had received their formal university education in the 1920's in the Marxist tradition. They rose up through the ranks in the latter half of the 1930s from personal and professional relationships in the background of building a controlled economy. They philosophically refuted both Marxism and capitalism, which they viewed as degrading the human character by the strong emphasis on materialism. Focussing their views on success in Manchuria, they stressed domestic totalism (planned economy) according to political priorities (presuming of course the existence of the monarchical [Tenno] institution), and insisted on the "East Asian (toa) bloc" as the corresponding state of affairs on the foreign front. This way of thinking was based on German totalistic thought; however, we can also discern their Marxist educational background enabling them to adopt such an ideology. In terms of concrete goals, their totalism was commonly directed towards "reform" plans geared to increasing the military strength of the army. It was for this reason that these reformist bureaucrats joined hands with politically and economically concerned military officers in policy making and political action. The practical behavior of these reformist bureaucrats, being based generally on this kind of ideology, was geared towards carrying out within such integrative offices as the Cabinet Planning Board (Kikaku-in) a radical state reorganization effort (almost impossible in peacetime) as one link in the creation of a wartime system for supporting the war in China and the Pacific War. Their efforts meet with a fair amount of success. The true intentions of the whole "reformist faction", which included these bureaucrats and embraced totalism in the wake of the German victorids on the European front, came to light during the Konoe New Organization movement of 1940 and 1941. However, the "citizens organization" plan that they were most eager to put through was not realized fully due to resistance in the National Diet. In any case, these reformist bureaucrats, as a result of giving up on both Marxist and capitalist solutions, inevitably plunged Japan into the Pacific War and continued to hold this ideology even after the War was over. While we can say on the one hand that their criticism of both Marxism and capitalism was not completely irrelevant in that it can be linked in the end to Japan's postwar high economic growth, on the other hand, it was because of their hastiness in trying to reform the present situation that they brought a great many of human and material damages in the Pacific War. Furthermore, when looking at the problem in terms of comparative history and national system theory, in the sense that it was the army officers and reformist bureaucrats who exerted real political influence through their commitment to totalist ideology, but were able to realize only a part of their goals in very gradual steps, we could call this period in Japanese history "a wartime state regime tending gradually towards totalism".
  • 季武 嘉也, 井上 勲, 大内 雅人, 松本 洋幸, 奥 健太郎, 坂本 健蔵, 荒 敬, 井川 克彦, 山口 由等, 加藤 厚子, 菊屋 吉生
    史学雑誌
    2003年 112 巻 5 号 718-766
    発行日: 2003/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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