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  • 吉田 修
    平和研究
    2000年 25 巻 49-58
    発行日: 2000/11/20
    公開日: 2024/06/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊豆山 真理
    国際政治
    2003年 2003 巻 134 号 155-158
    発行日: 2003/11/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「分離主義」運動の活発化との関連で
    近藤 高史
    アジア研究
    2004年 50 巻 1 号 24-38
    発行日: 2004年
    公開日: 2014/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 堀本 武功
    南アジア研究
    1993年 1993 巻 5 号 102-125
    発行日: 1993年
    公開日: 2011/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • インドから見たソ連
    木村 雅昭
    ソ連・東欧学会年報
    1974年 1974 巻 3 号 24-39
    発行日: 1974年
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―独立インドにおける危機の克服―
    中溝 和弥
    年報政治学
    2013年 64 巻 2 号 2_62-2_85
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2017/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    India has experienced a series of crisis after gaining its independence. Defining crisis as endogenous turning points, we can indentify at least three such crises: the economic crisis in the 1960's, the crisis of democracy in the 1970's emergency, and the crisis of secularism and the economy in the 1980's. Each crisis produced policy innovations and changed the power structure of the political system, which invited a new round of crisis. The history of contemporary Indian politics can be analyzed by focusing on the cycle of crises.
      India had two impending policy agendas at the time of independence, namely, national integration and economic development. On the economic front, India has gradually liberalized its socialistic import-substitution policies in the face of severe economic crises, which finally led to liberalization in 1991. Despite a widening income disparity, economic liberalization has, to some extent, reduced poverty.
      In terms of national integration, however, India still faces a serious probability of crisis. The carnage in Gujarat in 2002, which occured in the state known as the “Model of Liberalization”, posed a severe danger to “unity in diversity”. Identity politics and economic liberalization, which emerged after the crisis in the 1980's, are contributing factors to this carnage. The future of India depends on solving the problems created by identity politics and economic liberalization.
  • 渡辺 昭一
    国際武器移転史
    2018年 2018 巻 1 号 59-83
    発行日: 2018/01/23
    公開日: 2025/01/21
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    This paper aims at surveying the deployment of the British policy of military assistance in South Asia from the post-war period to the end of the 1960s. In the process of decolonisation, the British government kept groping for whether her presence in South Asia could be maintainable in the post-war period. When India and Pakistan separately achieved independence in 1947, Britain had them decide to remain as a member of the Commonwealth succeedingly after independence. The intention was for both the maintenance in the sterling area based on dealings of sterling balances and the Commonwealth’s defense against the expansion of communism.
     When maintaining the Commonwealth’s relationship with South Asian countries, Britain set forth the parity (equal principle) in arms supply, but the arms supplied to India and Pakistan were mainly not the latest, but the used ones. Britain’s influential power, which could secure India as her monopoly market, disappeared in the early 1960s. On the other hand, refraining from the military intervention to South Asia at the end of World War II, the United States sought to strengthen military aid to Pakistan gradually during the military convention. This cooperation also reinforced Anglo-American ties dependent on the formation of the Baghdad Pact in the face of the strained states of the Middle East.
     When the vulnerability of India’s defense system appeared in the course of Indo-China border conflicts, India’s urgent request for arms also became a touchstone of Britain and the United States from both sides of international orders in South Asia and their financial burdens. They could not fully respond to strengthen India’s defense system at the Nassau Conference in December 1962, and then encouraged India to purchase the MIG-21 fighter from the then-Soviet Union. As India’s non-alignment policy urged in the 1950s disappeared, in turn, the logic of the Cold War was strengthened. Finally, when Britain and the United States ceased their military aid at the second Indo-Pakistan War in 1965, it symbolised the breakdown of the British military aid policy in South Asia, the aims of which were to solve Kashmir’s issues by treating India and Pakistan with parity.
  • 周 生升
    アジア研究
    2018年 64 巻 1 号 56-78
    発行日: 2018/01/31
    公開日: 2018/03/02
    ジャーナル フリー

    In recent years, China has achieved the “rise of economy”, which shows the hegemonic behavior to change the current situation by force in the political and secure fields including the South China Sea issue. Meanwhile, regional integration and free trade is promoted by China’s leadership in economic field. Whether it has been named as hegemony or leadership in above ways, the rising of great power tends to accompany expansionist diplomacy that trying to expand its influence and rules to other countries and regions.

    Studies of the rising Chinese diplomacy were increasingly well-documented, but some of them just analyzed the reasons of Chinese expansionist diplomacy, which mainly focused on China’s “push factors”. However, it is still poor understood whether neighboring countries react to China’s behavior passively or not. In the present paper, relations between China and Pakistan from the viewpoint of Pakistan side will be further discussed.

    The ambition and willingness of China is a necessary prerequisite in Chinese expansionism diplomacy. Therefore, this paper will discuss the following parts. First of all, existing research has focused on “push factor” of China’s side which explained “why China expands” and “how to expand”. Nevertheless, this approach didn’t take account into the reaction of target countries, which was closely related to the Chinese expansionism diplomacy could be accepted. Secondly, the “push factor” of the China’s side has been reported to play an important role in the development of China’s expansion. And the “pull factor” from the target country’s side may also contribute to its expansion.

    The present paper reviewed the Sino-Pak relations, and then analyzed the “pull factors” of Pakistan side that influenced the development of China’s expansionist diplomacy. Together, unlike the “push factor”, which emphasized China’s diplomatic strategy and hegemonic ambition about Chinese expansionism diplomacy, this paper indicated that we should not overlook the “pull factor”, which Pakistan spontaneously depended on China due to the difficulties of domestic and foreign affairs in the country. Specifically, it was assumed that the “pull factor” led to the expansion of China, and how far target countries accept its expansion as well. Based on the studies about the diplomacy of rising China, it seems reasonable to assume that “push factor” complementing by “pull factor”.

  • 伊藤 融
    国際安全保障
    2015年 43 巻 1 号 8-22
    発行日: 2015/06/30
    公開日: 2022/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国際政治と国内政治の連繋
    森 利一
    国際政治
    1972年 1972 巻 46 号 17-44
    発行日: 1972/10/09
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 南アジア核時代の10年
    伊藤 融
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 3 号 43-56
    発行日: 2007/07/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In May 1998, India and Pakistan carried out a series of nuclear tests and declared themselves “nuclear powers” — a move that shocked the international community and added a newdimension to the rivalries between these two neighbors. This article will attempt to analyze what led both to this nuclearization and what kind of influence it had on the whole world as well as on the region.
    From a strategic viewpoint, India had pushed ahead with its nuclear program in order to counter the threat of China, not of Pakistan, whereas Pakistan’s program was aimed at reducing the threat posed by India. That is to say, the power imbalance in the region (China > India > Pakistan) encouraged these two countries to go nuclear. India and Pakistan have faced increased security-related concerns since the collapse of the alliance structure that built up during the Cold War. In addition to these security interests, rising nationalism in the midst of globalization has created a political trend that has encouraged nuclearization.
    Now, in retrospect, we can ask the question: which side has benefited most from nuclearization?Regionally, Pakistan seems to have seized more advantages militarily and diplomatically, especially regarding the Kashmir issue. Globally, however, nuclearization has helped India to rise in the world: most major powers, including the United States, cannot help regarding and treating India as a global player. In contrast, the international community regards Pakistan with suspicion in the wake of revelations about the “nuclear black market.”
    In fact, this nuclearization, which drew international concern about the risk of nuclear war, has not only contributed to sustaining the ongoing peace process since 2003, but has also created aninternational environment in which each side stops short of resorting to war even in times of crisis. “Rising India” will also hesitate to draw a sword. Unfortunately, however, it is difficult to conclude that a stable“ nuclear peace” has been established between India and Pakistan considering their geopolitical and strategic characteristics, lack of a relationship of mutual trust, persistent cross-border terrorism, and the fragile state foundations of Pakistan.
  • ―1980年代初頭インドの新聞報道とセキュラリズム―
    拓 徹
    南アジア研究
    2013年 2013 巻 25 号 83-105
    発行日: 2013/12/15
    公開日: 2014/07/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿では、1982年にジャンムー・カシミール州(インド)の南カシミールで起きた禁酒運動の詳細を明らかにすると同時に、この事件をめぐる新聞報道の分析を通じて、インドの政治言説におけるセキュラーな主体の再考を試みる。
    1982年3月に南カシミールの中心都市アナントナーグで分離主義団体ピープルズ・リーグが起こした禁酒運動は、カシミール地元のウルドゥー語紙では広範な町民の支持を得た市民運動と報道された。だが、この運動が攻撃対象とした数軒の酒屋の経営者がすべてマイノリティー(ヒンドゥー教徒)だったため、この運動はインド全国英字紙ではイスラム原理主義的で反ヒンドゥー的な事件と報道された。これらのカシミール地方紙、インド全国紙はいずれも自らの言説を「セキュラー」と見做したが、ともにマジョリタリアニズムを含み持っており、歴史的なセキュラー言説がしばしば持つ偏りを露呈するものだった。
  • 向田 公輝
    アジア・アフリカ地域研究
    2022年 21 巻 2 号 194-228
    発行日: 2022/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/16
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study aims to explain the cycle of conflict escalation and tension reduction between India and Pakistan during the post-Cold War period. India and Pakistan have reiterated military conflict and diplomatic dialogue since their independence. They have fought three wars against each other and now have the highest risk of nuclear war worldwide. In the post-Cold War period, India and Pakistan have often threatened nuclear war, with incidents including the India-Pakistan nuclear armament in May 1998, the Kargil conflict from May to July 1999, and a military standoff from December 2001 to May 2002. Conflict escalation between the two countries has been explained from two standpoints. First, studies focusing on the structural factors of international politics have explained that the end of the Cold War fostered conflicts between India and Pakistan. Second, studies focusing on the internal political factors affecting India and Pakistan showed that the instability of Pakistan’s democratic institutions and the rise of extreme religious ideologies in both countries facilitated the conflicts. However, such factors are insufficient to explain the cycle of conflict escalation and tension reduction between India and Pakistan during the post-Cold War period.

    First, this paper discusses how the ideology of the Indian regime affects the India-Pakistan relationship. Second, the degree of stability of the ruling coalition in the Indian parliament influences the cycle of conflict and tension reduction between India and Pakistan. Thus, this paper reveals the dynamics of conflict escalation and tension reduction between India and Pakistan.

  • 第4回
    拓 徹, 湊 一樹
    アジア経済
    2021年 62 巻 2 号 63-85
    発行日: 2021/06/15
    公開日: 2021/07/03
    ジャーナル フリー HTML
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