This paper discussed on the actual situation of succession for a Daikushiki of the Jinguko. In the late-12th to the early 14th century, Thoko and Shoko are monopolized by the carpentrrs of the Arakida, Isobe, and the Watarai family name holding an additional post of a Shinto priest, and also in the early 14th to the early 15th century, The issuance of the supplementary assignment paper started to be carried out and it became necessary consequently to obtain the recommendation by a Shinto priest in order to make Jinguko do a supplementary assignment

抄録全体を表示

This paper handles the process how the positions of Soh-daiku and shuuri-daiku were taken over from the carpenters belonging to the Imperial Court to those to the temples and clarifies the following historical fact: A social status of Soh-daiku and shuuri-daiku was already established for the period of Ko-an years (1278-87). In the 1330s both of the daikus were given the official letter of appointment and at the middle of the 15th century it was officially and cleary stipulated that they were qualified to participate to the constraction works on an equal footing

抄録全体を表示

This document discusses the activities of the SAKUSHO and KOSAKUSHO operating at ISE-JINGU from the ancient times until the Middle Ages, and also the authority of the architects managed by these organizations. (1) The SAKUSHO was constructed centering on SAKUSHOBUGYOU, and one or two priests knowledgeable in construction were appointed in the SAKUSHOBUGYOU. In the KOSAKUSHO, a qualified GON-NEGI was appointed for both the NAIKU and GEKU. (2) The JINGUKO paid appointment fees to the SAKUSHO and ZOUGUSHO for TAKUMIZOROE. When replacing DAIKUSHIKI however, large differences in the appointment fees arose due to the status of the craftsman and whether or not there were other competitors.

抄録全体を表示

Daikushiki (大工職), which laid the ground for monopoly, came into existence in the latter half of the 13th century. It had three features ; 1)it could be materialzed and become the object of purchase, sale, or pawn [the aspect of a real right] ; 2)it was regulated by employers' right of appointment and dismissal [the feudal aspect] ; and 3)it was found in the imperial palace and temples, but not in private residences [the bureaucratic aspect]. The 14th and the 15th century is the period in which the feudal aspect and the bureaucratic aspect confronted the aspect of a real right. As a whole, a shift from the former to the latter was seen during this era. Before the end of the 15th century employers lost the right of appointment that embodied their right to choose craftsmen. The proof of guarantee and the proof of judgement issued by the Shogunate took the place of proof of appointment by employers. In such a way, employers were deprived of their right to decide on their own which craftsmen they are to employ. This signifies the structural completion of the craftsmen's management monopoly. The retaliation of employers against the monopoly of craftsmen began as restilt of the legislation of 1510. According to this legislation, which gradually abolished Daikushiki, the system of Daikushiki-determination based on the guarantee of the Shogunate was rectified. The Shogunate itself articulated the policy to grant employers the right to choose their craftsmen. While it is customarily thought that the Toyotomi administration was the first to abolish Daikushiki, in fact, it had merely inherited the policy from the Muromachi Shogunate. The modern employment system was established as the medieval form of monopoly was overcome. It was a progressive policy whose key points were the denial of workplace proprietorship and the creation of a free employment system. On the other hand, we must not overlook the fact that this policy was strictly based on consumers' interests and the craftsmen were left to suffer under its reactionary characteristics.

抄録全体を表示

Within the very fruitful research done to date on the history of the establishment of Shogo-in 聖護院 Temple as the head-quarters for the main sect of Japanese mountain asceticism (shugendo 修験道), there has been a strong tendency to emphasize the escalation and expansion of efforts on the part of the abbot (monzeki 門跡) of Shogo-in during the 14^<th> century to recruit and organize ascetics (yamabushi 山伏) active on the local level. However, the research has not sufficiently focused on the structural aspects of either the relationship between Shogo-in as manager of the Kumano Shrine (Kumano Sanzan 熊野三山) and Jojo-in 乗々院 Temple as functionary of the Shrine, or the relationship between the former and locally-based yamabushi. The present article looks into these two relationships in more detail through an investigation of the forms and functions of documents issued by the two temples. Concerning the documents, which were addressed to either the Kumano Shrine or local yamabushi, the author shows that 1) they can be divided into three types, 2) changes over time that occurred in them can be detected only in those addressed to local yamabushi, 3) a change in the form of the documents beginning in the 16^<th> century reflects a change in the function of Jojo-in as their author, and 4) the change in document form reflects a change in the rights and duties involved in the appointments which the documents pertained to. Turning to the role played by Jojo-in, up through the 15^<th> century, the recruitment and organization of yamabushi by the abbot of Shogo-in was conducted through the issuance of documents addressed to Kumano Shrine and local yamabushi authored by Jojo-in as the functionary of the Shrine, in regard to such matters as appointments to the position of instructor in the art of asceticism (sendatsu 先達) and the resolution of disputes related to that position. However, this structural organization would change during the 16^<th> century in the midst of economic hardship due the withdrawal of the proprietorships (ryo 領) that had been granted to Kumano Shrine and the abbot of Shogo-in, and the loss of Shogo-in's appointment as Shrine manager. Therefore, the abbot was forced to restrict and revise the authority wielded by Jojo-in, choosing to appoint the leaders of local groups of yamabushi as its functionaries alternating them on a yearly basis (nengyoji 年行事), and thus taking direct control of these groups, while securing a new source of revenue. This kind of structural transformation that took place during the 16^<th> century and began with the abbot of Shogo-in's need to find new sources of income, resulted in a substantive change in organization from one revolving around a Jojo-in/Sendatsu axis to one revolving around a Shogo-in/Nengyoji axis, and, in the author's view, resulted in a new social context in which local yamabushi groups would practice asceticism.

抄録全体を表示

This paper, focusing on Gion shrine, discusses the power of temples and shrines during the Nanboku Period.Despite the fact that the Gion shrine held a estival and organized local peasants and artisans (jinin神人) to support it, two acts that must have appealed to the urbanity of Kyoto, the Gion shrine itself has not yet been the object of study. Chapter one deals with the organization of the Gion shrine.The Gion shrine was the administrative organ of the kanjin'in mandokoro 感神院政所, which included the Enryakuji kengyo zasu 検校座主, betto 別当, and mokudai 目代, as well as Gion shrine lay monks, which in turn were comprised of the shigyo 執行, gon no chori 権長吏, gon no obetto 権大別当, gon no betto 権別当, sango 三綱, and shogo 小綱.It was the shigyo that actually played the role of directing the shrines lay monks.In addition to the lay monks, there were also the kunin 公人, jinin, miko 神子, and geinomin 芸能民, of whom a special kunin, the yorikata 寄方, had additional supervisory rights.Characteristics of head/branch temple relations can be discerned from the fact that the Gion shigyo was appointed by the Enryakuji zasu as well as from the existence of various independent relationships between both the Gion lay monks and the Enryakuji monks and between Gion shrine kunin and Enryakuji kunin. Chapter two considers the development of the Gion' shrine's administration of its shrine lands in Kyoto.We can confirm the shrine's rule of these areas through its collection of taxes, and its exercise of general policing rights.However, Enryakuji monks and monzeki 門跡 could purchase land within Gion's shrine lands;and whenever there were border disputes with other shrines, the cooperation of Enryakuji monks and kunin was necessary.Therefore, the land of the Gion shrine was still affected by head/branch temple relationships. Chapter three looks at the Gion shrine's role in maintaining an base of independence for Enryakuji within Kyoto.Enryakuji, when policing their various branch temples within Kyoto, as well as the hiejinin 日吉神人, utilized Enyrakuji kunin as well as Gion shrine kunin and inujinin 犬神人.However, compelling Gion shrine kunin and inujinin to participate in Enryakuji activities not only caused the Gion Shrine economic burdens, but when the Muromachi bakufu tried to grab power in Kyoto, the Gion shrine gradually took a stance of resistance towards Enryakuji.

抄録全体を表示

This paper examines Jinguko ownership of Daikushiki and the characteristics of Ukeya and Uketakumi. (1) There were 44 Jinguko for the Naiku and 33 for the Geku, from the late 12th century to the early 14th century. However, in the 15th century, these numbers did not remain the same. The amount of wages paid to individual carpenters remained the same throughout the Medieval Period. (2) The Sakusho supplied each Uketakumi with construction materials and handed him wages. Ukeya which were projected in those times were buildings such as the Higashi Hoden, but not the Shoden.

抄録全体を表示