After fierce battles in World War II, Okinawa was occupied by military of U. S. A. andconsequently was administrated by USCAR (United States Civil Administration of Ryukyus).
During 27 years from April 1945 to May 1972, reversion to Japan, the public Health Activitiesincluding T. B. control were performed by Ryukyus Government indirectly controlled by USCAR. The first issue of T. B. statistics was made in 1950. It revealed remarkable reductionof T. B. death rate, a quarter of that before the war. The main reasons of the reductionwere considered due to the over-death in battles. But epidemic of T. B. had increased rapidly, especially since the Korean War occurred in 1950. Constructions of the military base werebooming, and T. B. infection was spread among laborers, employees, and also their families. Then, Ryukyus Government enacted a temporary law of T. B. prevention and control in 1954. Home-care treatment of T. B. patient was started with registration and managementin newly constructed Public Health Centers. Because of shortage of government budget, man-power including doctor and poor institutes, a system of short-termed admissiontreatment (6 months) and home cared chemotherapy were started. Public Health Nurses (PHN) took care the patient at home, and medical fee of T. B. treatment was free incharge to patients. So activities of PHN were very important.
In 1962, Dr. Shoukou Imamura, from JATA, came to study the system of home caretreatment. And 7, 000 cases under supervision of Public Health Center were investigated.
He reported that this system was fairly efficacious in Okinawa.
In 1976, after reversion to Japan, study of T. B. surveillance control system was advised andintroduced by Dr. Masakazu Aoki and Dr. Tooru Mori (JATA). By this modern systemof surveillance, T. B. control is improved progressively in Okinawa.

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The terms of US-Japan agreement on Okinawa Reversion that have come to light in recent years reveal that Prime Minister Sato ultimately gave the United States much greater latitude on the use of US bases than had previously been thought, including the right of re-entry of nuclear weapons in case of an emergency. But negotiations over Okinawa Reversion also provided the US with the opportunity to change yet another aspect of the US-Japan security relationship. As negotiations proceeded on how to dismantle the military bases and other facilities owned by the US government in Okinawa, a new approach to thinking about Japan's role in the alliance emerged. In fact, the prototype of what later came to be known as Japan's “omoiyari” budget, the financing of US military deployments in Japan, was created during the Okinawa Reversion negotiations.
This article reviews the process by which the US sought to convince the Japanese government to assume the costs of deploying US forces in Japan. The backdrop to these deliberations in the late 1960s was, of course, the US balance-of-payments deficit created as a result of the Vietnam War. Part and parcel of the Nixon Doctrine announced in 1969 was the emphasis on greater allied responsibility for the “burden” of the cold war, and greater allied contributions to the goals of US cold war strategy. The US government argued that Japan's reluctance to increase its own defense spending, along with the growing inability of the US to pay for its overseas basing, made it necessary to find another mechanism for demonstrating Japan's “commitment” to the alliance.
The problem of how to dismantle and consolidate US military assets in Okinawa was complicated, and the process was costly. The terms of the final agreement reached between the US and Japan have been deliberately kept from the Japanese public. US archival documents and Japanese court testimonials for the trial of a Japanese diplomat privy to the terms of this agreement reveal why the Japanese government wished to keep this secret. The deliberations ended with an agreement in 1971 that provided the US government with more than $200 million for its military bases and facilities on Okimawa as well as for bases on the Japanese main islands. Japanese government not only provided the US government with a lump sum payment, over which the US had full discretion, but it also paid for a variety of direct costs associated with the improvement of US military bases in Japan under the terms of the SOFA agreement. In short, the Japanese government not only fully accepted the costly burden of financing US military bases on its territory, but it also provided funds for the US government to use to remedy its balance-of-payments problems.

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    In this paper, I examine how different ethnic peoples can be as one group. For that purpose, I take a case of the Chinese Dragon and Lion Dance Team in Overseas Chinese Association in Ryukyu Islands and show what social classes the team members belong to through researching the Life Histories of the team members.
    There are big economical gaps among people living in Okinawa, and Taiwanese have also been divided economically as they lived from generation to generation. It makes Taiwanese difficult to get along with each other in one team even though they belong to the same ethnic group. On the contrary, the members of the new Chinese Dragon and Lion Dance team belongs nearly same social class and also have same attitude to life. This is the bases of their multi-ethnic partnership. The research results show it is possible we have common sense across different ethnic background and that the common sense is different from each member's ethnic back ground. It comes from the new social context made in among the team members.
    The most important finding in this case is that the team members can make their own social relations by themselves through being the team member even though they live in highly specialized and individualized urban society.

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