Since Gorbachev and his government launched the “Perestroika” reform, dissident movements and flows of people in the Soviet Union have attracted greater academic as well as practical attention. Yet, studies of these questions remain uncultivated, and few such studies exist in Japan. In order to clarify the current state of dissident movements and flows of people in the Soviet Union and to understand the degree of maturity of Soviet society, this article first surveys the different streams of the dissident movements, locating Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn in these streams. The former was exiled to the city of Gorki and later released, whereas the latter remains exiled outside the country. With this comparison in mind, the author then considers the questions of freedom of residence and of movement in the Soviet Union. Finally, the issue of Crimean Tatars, who have been exiled as a whole ethnic group, is considered in relationship to Perestroika.
Sakharov, who acknowledges Marxist-Leninist theory as the legitimate ideology of the Soviet state, demands democratization and reform of the government. In short, he is a reformer within the regime. Solzhenitsyn, by contrast, is a true radical reformer who denounces Marxist ideology itself. One of Sakharov's demands has been liberalization of the people's freedom of movement and residence.
Unlike the constitution of a capitalist country such as Japan, the Soviet constitution does not grant freedom of residence, movement and choice of occupation, or the freedom of emigration and denaturalization. As is well known, every Soviet citizen is required to carry a passport. One's choice of occupation, residence and movement, both international and domestic, was severely restricted, even after a 1974 reform slightly simplified the passport regulation. In August 1986 the immigration law was revised to liberalize somewhat the Soviet citizen's access to international travel after the beginning of 1987. Historically speaking, the Helsinki declaration of 1975 led the Soviet Union to take some measures to liberalize the freedom of residence and movement in the 1970s. But in the late 1970s and early 1980s, intensified international tensions caused a tightening of the Soviet borders. With the Perestroika since 1985, restrictions governing residence and domestic and international movement have been somewhat loosened.
In June 1945, at the same time as several similar autonomous republics of Soviet national minorities, the Crimean Autonomous Republic ceased to exist, and the Tatar people were exiled to other areas. This Stalinist misatke was criticized by Khrushchev and the Tatars now demand to return to Crimea. The Soviet government has tried to allay Tatar dicontent by giving them a certain degree of cultural freedom, but it is doubtful if this policy will succeed. The current government will sooner or later be tested on this question too. On the whole, however, the Gorbachev regime seems aware that Perestroika inevitably requires granting more freedom of movement to the Soviet people.

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砂川村役場文書を作成した行政機関は、明治6年（1873）4月～番組（小区）会所、明治11年～戸長役場、明治22年～村役場、昭和29~38年（1954~63）に町役場と変化している。砂川町は、昭和38年5月1日に立川市と合併し、現在の東京都立川市が誕生した。

本稿では、この砂川村役場文書の構造を、作成した組織の分析に基づいて考察し、町村制下の役場文書の特徴に言及する。現存する砂川村役場文書は、大半が町村制下の村役場で作成された文書である。町村制下の村役場は、村長などを含めて5~10人程の吏員が勤める程度であり、機構も分化されていない小規模な組織であった。このような組織で作成された文書を、事務内容によって分類すると、大半が郡役所とのやり取りによって発生した収受・発送文書であったことが判明した。この特徴は、町村制下の町村役場が、中央集権体制下における末端の機関として上意下達の文書を重視した結果である。

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the immigration process of agricultural emigrants to Hokkaido from Tokushima prefecture early in the Meiji era.
The form of immigration to Hokkaido at this period was mainly collective migration and the author has confirmed six groups; Niki-group (117 households) immigrated into Yoichi county in 1879, the second immigrant group (61 households) into the same settlement in 1881, Kaishinsha-group (9 households) into Sapporo county in 1881, Kosansha-group (32 households) into Sapporo county, Takekichi-group (23 households) into Setana county in 1882, and Setana-group (21 households) into Setana county in 1884.
Except for the Kaishinsha- and Kosansha-groups, the other groups were led or induced by Takekichi Niki, who played the part of leader when the early migrant groups emigrated to Hokkaido from Tokushima prefecture. His purpose was to cultivate Japanese indigo plants and manufacture indigo in Hokkaido. Accordingly, the area where Takekichi Niki recruited the first immigrants was the Kitagata-Shimogoori region, which was a central cultivation region for Japanese indigo plants on the lower Yoshino River. He intended to produce indigo in Hokkaido, because it was easy to obtain land on the rich plains and cheap fish manure which were indispensable for cultivation of the indigo plant. As they were petty peasants and were distressed by the rising price of fish manure, many farmers in the Kitagata-Shimogoori region responded to Takekichi's recruiting.
However, Takekichi, who at first intended to increase the indigo production, became more and more eager to recruit poor peasants as immigrants. Therefore, he also recruited immigrants in the Minamigata region, were the indigo plant had not been cultivated. This implies that the source region of immigrants to Hokkaido spread from the Kitagataregion to the Minamigata region. As the indigo production in Tokushima prefecture declined after the middle of the Meiji era, part of the surplus labor moved to Hokkaido and Tokushima prefecture became the biggest supplier of immigrants in western Japan. Some of these later immigrants settled at the settlement of the early immigrants or at their peripheries. This is because the settlement of the early immigrants played the role of axis for the later immigrants.

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近年の移民研究では,移住者の特性や移住意志決定プロセス,さらには移動流の方向などを明らかにするため,移民研究を人口移動研究の一環として捉え,移民の輩出過程と定着過程とにおける一連の移住過程が検討されてきている。本稿もかかる観点から,山形県出身者の多い美唄市西美唄町山形地区を例に,北海道農業移民の輩出・定着過程について報告しようとするものである.
山形地区の開拓は,明治27(1894)年,山形県村山地方の零細農民が組織した山形団体という農民移住団体の入植によって始まった.その後,自作入植者の単独移住によって開拓地の外延的拡大が行なわれるとともに,山形地区では畑作農業期に農民層分解がみられ,一部上層農の出現をみた.大正10(1921)年に山形地区が水田化されると,上層農はその労働力の担い手として小作人や奉公人を入植させた.こうした後続入植者の多くは,地縁的・血縁的なネットワークを通じての連鎖移住による同郷移住者に求められ,このことが山形地区において「同郷性」を維持してきた理由と考えられる.

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