In the previous paper, we carried out literature survey on damage in Osaka plain due to the 1927 Kita-Tango earthquake and clarified that severe damage and casualty were reported in spite of its long epicentral distance of more than 100km. Nine years after, this area was hit by the 1936 Kawachi-Yamato earthquake occurred at the border area of Osaka and Nara prefectures. In this paper literature survey on this earthquake was carried out. Earthquake damage including revealed building damage and casualties is described based on the published documents.

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両大戦間の時代,所得格差が拡大し,政府の公衆衛生投資が進まないなかで,農村の乳児死亡率は低下をしていた。この問題についての優れた研究である伊藤繁の1998年論文(本誌第63巻6号)は,1930年以前の府県統計によって「近代産婆」の供給がその低下を説明することを明らかにした。本稿では,助産婦数の伸びは加速せず,死産率の改善が減速しつつあったにもかかわらず,新生児後(ポスト・ネオネイタル)死亡率の低下は著しかった1930年以降を対象に,その時期に展開した愛育会の事業を乳児死亡率と死産率のデータによって検討する。その結果は,愛育村は村内女性の組織化をとおして新生児後(ポスト・ネオネイタル)の死亡を減少させることのできる仕組で,それは近代産婆の貢献と基本的に同一であったこと,しかし他方で,死産率の低下は順調ではなかったこと,すなわち母胎の健康状態に起因する死産をさらに減少させることは,農家女性の労働負担に顕著な軽減がないかぎり難しかったことを示唆する。

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The mainstream of Japanese Edo period music is taken to be the shamisen music. However, even within the same Edo period, between Edo and what was known as ‘Kamigata’-the Kinki area centering arotrid Kyoto and Osaka-there was, as far as transportation is concerned, a marked separation. Even within the musical expression of these two regions there is a great difference which has to be taken into consideration.
In the early Edo period the difference between Edo and Kamiga.ta. labeled Edo as ‘martial’ and Kamigata as ‘literary, ’ or Kamigata as ‘regulated’ and Edo as ‘chaotic.’ Colloquially it was said that “music comes from Kyoto, warfare comes from Edo, ” and the events of that period reflect this well. Regarding the music from the middle Edo period, it is recognized that Gidayubushi developed in the Kamigata region and Bungo style Joruri (Tokiwazu, Tomimoto, Kiyomoto, etc.) in the Edo region, but it is easy to overlook their regionality. Of course, even within the Kamigata region, there was a difference between Kyoto and Osaka.
The differences described above are well known, but Nagoya, which is positioned between the two aforementioned Kamigata and Edo regions, is again different and has formed its own culture with special characteristics. Even now, when the distances between these areas have shortened and all of Japan has been trifled into one cultural region, the special characteristics of these regions, which up trail a short time ago had a definate originality, are recognized. It's difficult to characterize the special characteristics of the Nagoya culture in a few words. It had its beginnings when Tokugawa Muneharu became the governor of the Owari (Nagoya) region in November of the 15th year of Kyoho 1730). He increased the number of theaters, opened up an entertain m(ent district, splendorized the festivals, and promoted the arts. Going against the will of the Edo government, he created a government policy of freedom and endeavored to make Nagoya into a great city. He believed that such a policy was necessary in order to make Nagoya into an attractive economic center. However, his policy was outlawed by the Edo government and collapsed after only eight years. For the people of Nagoya, his government was like a short “dream.” His policy of freeeom brought prosperity, however, after the “dream” passed, it became a fleeting after-fact. The people of Nagoya, in remembrance of this, left a chronicle, “After the Dream.” Yasuda Bunkichi did an excellent study on this chronicle in 1978.
This tradition, however, didn't die out with the Edo government's prohibition. It is hinted at even today in the saying, “Nagoya.a place for the arts, ” that this tradition lives on.
The special characteristics of the arts of Nagoya have hardly been researched up until now. Only very recently, has Mr. Yasuda presented several excellent theses on Tokiwazu, but his work is, presently, limited to Tokiwazu. I have attempted to broaden this research and begin study on the whole of shamisen music as well. As the basic fcxridation for this research, I have made an investigation of all the Nagoya publications of Keico-bon (Lesson Instruction Book), which necessitated collecting, over a long period of time, the Nagoya shamisen music Keilco-bon. However, there is a limit to what an individual can accumulate, and fortunately, Mr. Yasuda has also made a collection, and there is a collection as well in Research Archieves for Japanese Music, Ueno Gakuen College. Therefore, given this chance, I organized all the published Keiko-bon and decided to report on this first step of the basic research. In the report, I have arranged the books according to number by their owner, and provided photographs of all their covers, even in cases where they were duplications.

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In this essay the author attempts to make a contribution to the history of outcastes in Japan and, in doing so, to the present day burakumin liberation movement by exploring hinin-shuku in the kinai region under the control of the temple, Saidaiji, during the late Kamakura period. Hinin-shuku in medieval Japan were small pariah settlements organized by temples and shrines through operatives called chori. These shuku were located within larger way stations at important points along transportation routes in the Kinai, and provided an important source of non-agricultural labor ranging from simple portage to various defiling occupations like animal slaughter and burial services. By re-examing available documents concerning hinin-shuku, the author criticizes the position held by Oyama Kyohei that these shuku were controlled under the authority of the shugo in the Kinai provinces, and therefore ultimately under the Imperial prerogative (Amino Yoshihiko's position). As opposed to the management of these settlements by such religious organizations as Kofukuji and Gion shrine, in which hinin residents were organized into guild (za) formations, Saidaiji, through the leadership of two monks, Eison and Ninsho, carried out its control under the guise of almsgiving (segyo) and the offering of salvation through the beliefs surrounding monjushuri, the Bodhisattva of Supreme Wisdom. As his main conclusion the author argues that there was a close relationship between the Kamakura Bakufu and Saidaiji, and, therefore, in a certain sense through this relationship Bakufu domination of hinin-shuku was realized.

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